At the margin of the ENCDC (Eritrean National Conference for Democratic Change) which was conducted in the city of Awassa (Ethiopia) between the 21st and the 31st of November 2011, Farajat conducted an interview with fighter Ms. Mihret Berhanu, member of EPDF (Eritrean People’s Democratic Front) – Canada branch. Following is the interview…

Farajat: At the beginning we thank you for accepting our invitation to conduct this fast interview, at the margin [...]]]> Farajat: Awassa

At the margin of the ENCDC (Eritrean National Conference for Democratic Change) which was conducted in the city of Awassa (Ethiopia) between the 21^st and the 31^st of November 2011, Farajat conducted an interview with fighter Ms. Mihret Berhanu, member of EPDF (Eritrean People’s Democratic Front) – Canada branch. Following is the interview…

Farajat: At the beginning we thank you for accepting our invitation to conduct this fast interview, at the margin of the conference, although the timing is very tight.

Ms. Mihret: First, I thank you and greatly appreciate your invitation for giving me a chance to talk to you; moreover, I appreciate all your great efforts, exerted as a free and independent nationalist media outlet. Thus, it is my pleasure and honor to be your guest to be interviewed.

Q. – Please, would you introduce yourself to our readers?

A. – Sure…my name is Mihret Berhanu, an ex-ELF fighter (Eritrean Liberation Front). I joined the field in 1977 and after getting an consciousness and qualification course I was assigned a task in the agricultural sector and then joined the Radio broadcasting section. After the ELF entered the Sudan, I returned with a battalionof fighters (SAGEM) to the field and stayed there until I migrated to Germany in 1986 and in the year 1991 moved to Canada where I currently live.

Q. – We knew from your contributions and militant activities to remove the dictatorial PFDJ regime in Eritrea that you belong to an Eritrean opposition group. Would you please tell us to which organization or political party do you belong? What is your current position in the organization or party?

A. - I am member of EPDF, I do not hold any official position in the organization and what I care about is, to continue my struggle within the organization, until we reach the desired goal. Our major objective is to get rid of the dictatorial regime, in order for our proud people to be free and live a decent life with dignity and pride, for which sacrificed and paid dearly and preciously as a dowry to attain it.

Q. - After few hours will begin the election of the National Assembly, in your opinion, what is the importance of conducting the ENCDC at this time, and what is your overall evaluation of the Conference?

A. - The importance of the Congress lies in the presence of the regarded high number of people gathered in one place, at the same time, for the common destiny we have in common. The current situation came as a result of the preparation which lasted for more than one year. Thus, the presence of about 600 representatives which represent different organization’s bodies and thespectrum of the society with all its constituents, different age groups: from elders, the first generation of fighters  and youth in addition to women. The high number and effective presence of women reflect and it is an evidence that all the strata of our society, rejects the policies of the dictatorial regime, and this give me great confidence and optimist to the success of the Congress. It also gives the participants the hope that despotic regime will fall down soon…and then we will be able to built the “Eritrea” we dreamt about, a nation based on rule of law, freedom and justice.                   

 If we get from this Congress, a democratically elected National Assembly in a legal and transparent way, this will give us the credibility required in the Eritrean political arena, and we will attain the confidence of the people inside and outside Eritrea. Opportunities like the one we have, do not occur frequently; thus, we all (as political parties and organization and civic societies) have to make use of this opportunity and this compels me to say this Congress is not liable to fail.

Q. - Some people fear from repetition of the several past failed “unity experiences”, what is the guarantee that such experience will not be repeated?

A. – It is natural to entertain such feelings by some people and it is logical to exert all our effort to avoid repeating the mistakes of the past, which led us to grievances and hurtful results. The only guarantee (to avoid failure) is each member of the Congress to bear full responsibility of his share and to contribute by exerting more efforts and bear the historical national responsibility for which we came to this congress…I believe, if we follow the path of national struggle and work to form a National Assembly to bear responsibility will all the powers granted without any blocking or hampering it, is one of the main factors that guarantees a bright future.

 Q. - How is that possible when there are national forces that did not participate in this conference?

A. - All have been invited to contribute and participate in this conference and several meetings and seminars were conducted in all places of the world where Eritrean communities are found (in all continents and parts of the world) and assisting committees were established in those countries. Also the NCDC (National Commission for Democratic Change) directed calls (as much as possible) and published the three application forms for membership to the Conference to: the Eritrean people, civic society organizations and political organizations through the different mass media outlets and different languages. The Commission prepared and published many reminder invitations for the sake of wider participation. Some responded positively and are here, and those who did not participate can join anytime, we are open to everyone and invite everyone to contribute. We should continue our call to invitation by all means and channels, because we are not the only ones authorized to decide on the fate of the Eritrean people.

Q. – This takes us to another subject… some are still fearful of the impact of the past differences between the opposition groups on the future work. Some go further and see the impossibility of partnership with the EDA (Eritrean democratic Alliance) and justify his apprehension to the ongoing conflicts within the opposition forces?

A. -  The conflict between the political organizations is not a secret is known to everyone, and the EDA is the umbrella for opposition political forces which may differ among themselves in terms of presentation their political vision, but are united by one common goal: to topple the dictatorial regime in Eritrea. Undoubtedly the divisions between the organizations undermined the role of the opposition and its effectiveness causing the majority of people to further themselves from participating with the Eritrean political opposition, but this does not justify the subjective offensive ruling on the EDA, or on any other opposition forces. Constructive criticism in itself is a healthy phenomenon, but not victimization of our struggles. For example we did not ask anyone to pay debts of the past twenty years or more, during which period didn’t fulfill his national duty, and those who are unable to work with EDA could struggle in other ways that suit them, without prejudice and belittling the role of others. It is not just and fair to underestimate the struggling role of the political organizations opposed to the dictatorial regime in Eritrea.

Q. - How is the relationship between the forces of the official opposition forces on the one hand and the civic society organizations and independent participants in the conference?

A. - Before the 2010 Conference (Forum) the distance that separates them was big. For example, in Canada, the masses opposed to be represented by any person with political affiliation, but after a full year of working together, the interests of the country and the cause of our people won over our attitudes and affiliations. Then we won the confidence of the masses, which elected the right people with competence and ability, regardless of their partisan affiliations. It is important now, as long as we got together to the conference, this means that those who were watching and observing the seriousness of our task reached a conclusion and became convinced of the importance of joint action and working together to achieve our common and one goal: to get rid our people and emancipate them from the joke of dictatorship.

Q. - What is your vision on the role of expected Eritrean the National Congress?

 A. - The Assembly should work to establish national unity and try to unite the efforts of political organizations and civic society organization and to lead and develop the popular resistance and expand its arena. It should establish a culture of self-reliance and provide the necessary atmosphere and give opportunity to women and youth to participate in all fields and activities. Also it has to commend the international community to bear its responsibility to support our people and work hard in order to redeem our people from the dictatorship through the resistance of the dictatorial regime by all legitimate means.

 Q. - What is your message to the people at home (inside Eritrea) and abroad?

A. -  My message to the Eritrean people in the Diaspora who enjoy freedom, democracy, justice and equality in accordance with the principles of human rights, to align along and stand at the side of our simple, peaceful and oppressed people at home advocate and support them by all means to win in their battle for freedom and democracy. They should never forget…and work to highlight their suffering and deliver it to the conscious people all over the world in order to lift the injustice inflicted upon our people and this is the responsibility of each honorable and honest Eritrean.

The young people fleeing from the oppression of the tyrant should bear more responsibility; they should show patriotism, loyalty, honesty and come forward to lead voluntarily to reveal the “truth” of what is going on in Eritrea of injustice and persecution. Some allege that the opposition is far from what is happening on the ground inside Eritrea so they should refute those allegations.

My last message to the people at home, despite the difficulties and challenges you face from the repressive security apparatus; you have to be steadfast and should not lose hope and confidence in your ability to triumph over the tyrant and his ilk.  For our people inside Eritrea must realize that their role in the downfall and toppling of the despotic regime is substantial and essential … From our side we will not let you down and we are with you and always will be, and we will continue in our resistance and struggle by all available means until we achieve our goals of a “free” Eritrean nation ruled by law

http://www.farajat.net/ar/20032

  October 7, 2011 by Awate Team

Saleh Gadi Johar, publisher of awate.com, was interviewed live in the studios of Al Hiwar TV, in London, UK, on 9/27/11.  The interview, which was conducted in Arabic, is available in two short videos (part 1, and part 2) on youtube and at awate.com (in the video tab.)    To ensure wider distribution to awate.com’s readership, Semere Habtemariam has translated and transcribed the interview in English.  What follows is the transcribed interview:  great thanks to [...]]]>

 
October 7, 2011 by Awate Team

Saleh Gadi Johar, publisher of awate.com, was interviewed live in the studios of Al Hiwar TV, in London, UK, on 9/27/11.  The interview, which was conducted in Arabic, is available in two short videos (part 1, and part 2) on youtube and at awate.com (in the video tab.)    To ensure wider distribution to awate.com’s readership, Semere Habtemariam has translated and transcribed the interview in English.  What follows is the transcribed interview:  great thanks to our friend and colleague Semere Habtemariam!

Interviewer: We welcome today, for the next 20 minutes Mr. Saleh Johar, an Eritrean journalist and author and publisher of Awate.com. We welcome you, Mr. Saleh Johar, to London and this is a great opportunity to inform our audience of what is happening in Eritrea.

Saleh Johar: Thank you.

Interviewer: About 50% of the population in Eritrea is Muslim; roughly about 3 million and the land is about 50,000 square km, and the country has been ruled since it gained independence in 1991 by President Isaias Afwerki. Welcome, and let’s start with the fact that Eritrea borders the Sudan, which used to be the biggest Arab nation till Algeria took over that position. Our first point: How the Arab Spring that is happening in the Arab countries is relevant to Eritrea and how it affects it?

Saleh Johar: There is a direct and indirect effect. For instance, let’s take the case of Libya; the collapse of Kaddafi was more of a victory for the Eritrean people than it was for the Libyans because he was the principal supporter of President Isaias and one of his closest allies who supported him with money, petrol and encouraged him to pursue his policies on the Eritrean people. We were relieved and jubilant when Kaddafi collapsed and we hope his friend Isaias would soon face the same fate. And particularly for us…

Interviewer: Isaias Afwerki?

Saleh Johar: Isaias Afwerki.

Interviewer: Why? He did not come to power through coup. He was responsible for leading the country to independence.

Saleh Johar: He came to power through the revolutionary legitimacy and that should have ended when we achieved our objective: the liberation of Eritrea. We don’t believe the Eritrean people have been liberated. The land has been liberated but the people have yet to be liberated. The Eritrean people have not experienced the taste of freedom since 1991 and we are continuing the struggle that was started by our hero Hamid Idris Awate in 1991 [1961] and we shall not rest till we realize our aspirations for freedom and dignity.

Interviewer: For sure, there is an opposition to Isaias Afwerki; but, mostly in the Diaspora. What role do you play as apposition, as a journalist, author and publisher of Awate.com in regards to mobilizing the people?

Saleh Johar: We [awate.com] are an information center that specialized in Eritrean affairs and the Horn of Africa.

Interviewer: But it [awate.com] opposes the Isaias regime, right?

Saleh Johar: Of course!

Interviewer: Okay. Now, those Arabs in Eritrea; which takes me to the Eritrean refugees’ issue. Generally and regretfully, the Arab media is not interested or has not given due attention to Eritrea and Africa in general. For instance, 50% of Eritreans are Muslims and I believe about 40% of them speak Arabic. Is that right?

Saleh Johar: That’s correct.

Interviewer: How is the situation of the refugees now?

Saleh Johar:  The situation of the refugees; it is for this reason I told you earlier that we have yet not experienced the taste of freedom. The majority of our refugees are in the Sudan, Eastern Sudan. They have been condemned to live in desert camps since 1967 when we were waging our struggle against Emperor Haile Selassie. They have not returned home for a number of reasons but primarily because the Isaias regime proved to be a continuation of the  oppressors, like its predecessors: the Haile Selassie, and the Menghistu regimes. They remain and continue their life as refugees in abject situations. As far as the Arab nations are concerned…

Interviewer: Let’s stay with the refugee issue before we take on the Arab nations. How is their situation? What are their essential needs?

Saleh Johar: Their situation is terrible, very terrible. But lately, we have witnessed positive developments. For example, the “Ethar” foundation…

Interviewer: I know about it.

Saleh Johar:  They are doing a welcome and commendable job…

Interviewer: The likes of Osman…

Saleh Johar:  Sultan, and other brothers who are doing this work. These are individual initiatives on a small scale, but the situation in the Sudan requires the resources of sisterly and neighborly (close to us or related to us) nations and all those who should be interested in the region.

Interviewer: Is there risk from hunger?  Your neighbor Somalia is going through tough times from hunger.

Saleh Johar: Oh, Mister! Hunger has never left the Eritrean refugees.

Interviewer: Overall, the whole Horn of Africa is facing hunger.

Saleh Johar:  It is more merciful [bearable], at least, to be hungry in your home; in your own country, than in refugee camps since 1967. Hunger has never left them; there is no water, education or medical services. This is their dire situation since 1967.

Interviewer: These shortfalls: are they the result of poor governance, injustices, weaknesses or the prevailing poverty in Eritrea?

Saleh Johar: All these contributing factors are there in Eritrea and the whole region, but the situation is, first and foremost a humanitarian one before it becomes political. And there were humanitarians in the past who did the right thing, but as you know, the Arab people are not in charge of their destiny; it is their respective governments that direct what they do and don’t, and if the governments would take action, the people would have followed; the philanthropists (humanitarians) would have been encouraged. The humanitarians have this shortcoming.  But part of the problem with prolonged issues is that they become normal overtime; ignorance [disinterest] prevails and people forget while being consumed by other issues. This is what has happened with the Eritrean refugees. Forty years is a long time.

Interviewer: What is the number of Eritrean refugees now?

Saleh Johar: About half a million.

Interviewer: Half a million! Where are they?

Saleh Johar:  In Semsem, Gerger, Wed el Hilew, Wed Sherifey and about ten others. They are scattered all over.

Interviewer: Are they inside the Sudan?

Saleh Johar: They are inside the Sudan. There are those who have flowed to the cities; this is natural, but most of them are in refugee camps.

Interviewer: Now we can start the conversation about the relations among neighboring countries. Before we talk about Ethiopia, Eritrea’s bitter enemy, let’s talk about the Sudan. How is the relation between the Sudan and Eritrea?

Saleh Johar: There is a wrong view about the Sudan that I like to take this opportunity to correct. Personally, I’m not aware of any Sudanese government that has dealt with the Eritrean revolution or with Eritreans with integrity/probity. All the regimes that dealt with the Eritrean revolution were using it, sometimes using it as a bargaining chip and sometimes as a buffer. For example, the Numeri regime used to benefit from the Eritrean revolution against the communist risk coming from Ethiopia. When his relation with the Mengitsu regime is fine, he beats down the Eritrean revolution and when it is tense with Mengistu, he would support and lift it up.

Interviewer: How is your relation with the Islamists?

Saleh Johar: Islamists?

Interviewer: The Islamists in the Sudan; since 1998.

Saleh Johar: By God, I wish them a dignified departure.

Interviewer: Why?

Saleh Johar:  Because we have sustained a great harm from the current regime. It does not honor refugee rights. Today we (can) see the government in the Sudan, a neighboring country, rounding up refugees and handing them over to the Isaias regime to be killed. This is what is going on.

Interviewer: When the refugee is handed over, he gets killed?

Saleh Johar: of course.

Interviewer: Why? We’ve not heard of this in the media and there are many organizations working on behalf of refugees’ rights. The returnees might be subjected to mistreatment; some extra-judicial punishment from the Isaias regime but not killing.

Saleh Johar: It is not whether you or I heard about it. Let me give you an example: Since 1991, there have been many killings and disappearances of many personalities.

Interviewer: True, but those are political figures and not refugee returnees.

Saleh Johar:  A refugee is regarded as a soldier escapee and as a deserter he is subjected to a military law. A soldier who deserted his unit is guilty of treason and a traitor is killed. This is the evidence. Today, there is a militarization of the entire population; everyone between the ages 17-18 is required to do his/her final year of high school in the Sawa military and other camps. That is where they finish high school. And after that…

Interviewer: How do you explain the relations between the Sudan and Eritrea now?

Saleh Johar: It is based on interests.

Interviewer: Interests, Yes!

Saleh Johar: It is based on denying the interests of the people of Eastern Sudan and Western Eritrea, particularly the Beni Amer tribes who inhabit Eastern Sudan and Western Eritrea. This is a very important concern.

Interviewer: Are these Arab tribes?

Saleh Johar: Yes, as it is evident in the name Beni Amer. For example, if we see in Eritrea, there is not a single Beni Amer in the Eritrean government.

Interviewer: The tribes in the Sudan and Eritrea; the region as a whole is generally made of tribes?

Saleh Johar: It is tribal; that is our reality and the reality of the whole region. These tribes cross boundaries: the Maria, Beni Amer etc, for instance, are found in the Sudan and in Eritrea.

Interviewer: Let’s now talk about the [your] enemy Ethiopia. Do you go to Ethiopia, a country that is the closest ally to the Eritrean opposition?

Saleh Johar: I was there (laughs)… I think you must have met some “enlightened” Eritreans…(laughs)

Interviewer: Of course!

Saleh Johar: Look! There is pragmatism in politics. Yes! There is a choice in front of the Eritrean opposition: it can either commit suicide by refusing to go to Ethiopia or it can go in a pragmatic approach. What do you see if you were a leader in the opposition; what approach would you have chosen? There is no choice but to go. The Sudan, after the signing of the Eastern Agreement issued an order to close all the offices of the Eritrean opposition organizations…

Interviewer: Ethiopia?

Saleh Johar: Sudan. Yes. The Eritrean opposition closed its offices; and the Sudan prohibited the opposition from engaging in any sort of activities. What shuld the Eritrean opposition do?

Interviewer: Go to Ethiopia!

Saleh Johar: That is the choice.

Interviewer: the sworn [biggest] enemy of Eritrea!

Saleh Johar: My friend, if the Saudis would accept them, they would go to Saudi Arabia; if Tunisia would accept them, they would go to Tunisia; if Egypt would accept them, they would go to Egypt. But these choices don’t exist. This is the choice that is available; and Ethiopia is our neighboring country. Look, you are talking to me; I very well know about the enmity; personally, as Saleh, I hail from an ethnic group that has only known oppression, killing and plunder from Ethiopia for 500 thousand years; sorry 500 years. I mean what I say; I know about the enmity between Eritrea and Ethiopia more than others, but we are not prisoners of our history; and we have a mission that we have to deal with.

Interviewer: What is the presence of the Eritrean opposition inside Eritrea?

Saleh Johar: We don’t have any numbers since everything is prohibited and have to be done in secret. Even the press is not allowed in Eritrea, let alone the opposition. You can imagine what would happen if one is known as an opposition.

Interviewer: We have witnessed an Iranian expansion in the region. With the split of the Sudan into South and North, the Iranian president visiting there, and whether he visits Mauritania or Southern Sahara, it shows Iranian expansion in North Africa. Does this mean a rejection of the Arabs and a preference for Iranians in the region?

Saleh Johar: The issue of Iran and Arab, the Arabs should be more knowledgeable about that. The Arabs are asleep, and most of them…

Interviewer: There are a lot of you who speak Arabic.

Saleh Johar: What is the use of speaking Arabic if it does not link you or help you foster good relations with your neighbors?  But if the language and culture were…

Interviewer: Do the Arabs support you?

Saleh Johar: No, they do not support us.

Interviewer: As a humanitarian organization. The Gulf States in the past have done so!

Saleh Johar: Personally, as Saleh, we don’t need the Gulf States’ support. We just need them not to be part of the problem; they need to stop supporting Isaias.

Interviewer: Is this right , how do they support him?

Saleh Johar: I don’t know but you are a journalist and you can research it. This is a puzzle that we do not understand.

Interviewer: Based on what I know, I thought the Gulf States, whether it is Saudi Arabia or the Emirates give priorities to saving lives in Africa.

Saleh Johar: This is a good deed we do not forget, but we are talking in the political context.  And on political issues, for instance, the nation of Qatar has a very close relationship with Isaias.

Interviewer: Does it support him?

Saleh Johar:  Yes, sir. He uses Qatari planes when traveling. The man, I tell you, does not have his own plane. He uses Qatari planes when traveling.

Interviewer: The plane that Isaias uses belongs to Qatar.

Saleh Johar: Yes, it belongs to Qatar.

Interviewer: From Qatar?

Saleh Johar: Yes, it belongs to Qatar. Everywhere he wants to go, they provide him with one.

Interviewer: You see, the guy is poor; he can’t afford one.

Saleh Johar: Yes he is poor. But the problem is the poor is capable of killing you like the rich. The knife and the dagger are the same in the hands of the poor and the rich. If they, the Gulf States, would just stop this support.

Interviewer:  Do you think it is possible for any sort of people’s uprising, demonstrations against Isaias–this strong, military man?

Saleh Johar: This is what concerns me. He does not understand anything but force. He is violent; violent since we came to know him in the political arena, who has dealt with every issue with violence and he had reached where he is with violence and is governing the country by force. And second, the message he is conveying is that he wants those demanding change to confront him. Eventually, we see our situation to be like that of Libya.

Interviewer: Do you see the opposition uniting under one political program?

Saleh Johar: It is natural. You know there are ties that bring us together. Even the so-called national unity is affected by regional ties and the developments in the region. These developments will usher in an environment that would unite us because if we do not unite we will not be able to oppose the regime effectively.

Interviewer: I like to afford you an opportunity to tell our audience and the Arab people how they can be involved in Eritrea and particularly in helping the refugees crisis.

Saleh Johar: On the refugee issue, I like to address those humanitarians who have done their part and have a welcome, much appreciated, noble and proud history of helping our refugees. I want to remind Arabs and neighbors and those humanitarians that if they think the Eritrean people are free, then, they are living in a dream. I implore them to pay attention to the plight of the Eritrean refugees. This is my advice.

Interviewer: God  willing, thank you so much Mr. Saleh Johar.

“We are all Eritreans and we have to serve our country and people with honesty and sincerity. We are here to achieve a goal, and if there is anybody who has individual ambitions other than the declared objective, then, he must leave now. We all have to show extreme commitment and dedication and carry out the commands and instructions of the leader, no matter how hard they [...]]]> (In a meeting held by the leader Awate addressing the heroic Eritrean Liberation Army)

“We are all Eritreans and we have to serve our country and people with honesty and sincerity. We are here to achieve a goal, and if there is anybody who has individual ambitions other than the declared objective, then, he must leave now. We all have to show extreme commitment and dedication and carry out the commands and instructions of the leader, no matter how hard they are, for the cause of our country.”

As narrated by the fighter Humed Hassen Idris Dohen, who was one of the first generation of fighters and attended the meeting that evening, where Awate addressed the fighters by saying:

“Today we are here to fight the enemy, not only because they humiliated and usurped our land, but to write a proud and honorable history for Eritrea. We are here to challenge the occupation authorities with all their weapons and armies and tell them that we will not accept after this day the life of humiliation and disgrace. We are determined, supported by all the great Eritrean people, to move forward on the path of struggle and martyrdom until liberation “.
The fighter Dohen continues his narration by saying:
Instantly euphoric high sounds were elevated by the fighters who glorified the greatness of Allah and chanted slogans that challenge the invaders. The enthusiasm was intensified and reached its peak and they swore not to never give up or retreat and their motto to be:
“Victory or martyrdom”.

The news of Awate going out to the mountains ( his rebellion) was a big surprise to the authorities of the Ethiopian occupation, who had never imagined for such a challenge to occur. Therefore, they immediately strived to contain the event by luring Awate by temptation with money and prestige by sending him a letter in this regard by one of the members of Eritrean Parliament. Awate replied by writing a letter in Italian language where he said:
“My rebellion by going to the mountains and raise up arms against Ethiopia is only for the Liberation of Eritrea and not for personal gains or benefits.”

The Eritrean Minister of Justice, Omer Hassen Hasano sent a written message to Hamid Awate, who was present at the time in “Algadein” region, asking Hamid Awate to meet him. Hamid replied with a written letter where he clearly rejected the meeting and confirmed his declaration of armed revolution in the following words (and that was on 10 / 9 / 1961):
“If you want to take down the Eritrean flag, I with all those with me, God willing, will raise it up with the force of arms and inform the Eritrean government about that.”

The Ethiopian occupation authorities were not in despair from their attempts to persuade Awate to reverse his opinion and to lay down arms and return to his village. Thus, they sent him a large delegation of dignitaries from the region in this regard. His response was decisive when he told the delegation:
“Tell to those who sent you to modify and alter their opinion regarding the occupation of Eritrea. We will not retreat from the goal that the Eritrean people have chosen and announced by declaring the armed struggle. We are not bandits and war amateurs, but we demand freedom and we will endure all the difficulties for the sake to liberate the homeland.”

Awate has been honest with the public and was always saying:
“The path of revolution is difficult, long and bumpy and it is flanked by risks and dangers from all sides. But it is the path with guaranteed results to approach the hour of salvation (from Ethiopian occupation).”

Following the victories achieved by the Eritrean Liberation Army in the battle of Adal and Omaal, the Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie issued his strict orders to his armed forces in Eritrea to continue committing violence freely (which in practice means to commit crimes freely) in order to suppress the outlaws ( the label given by of the emperor to the revolutionaries). To achieve their declared goals, the Ethiopian army mobilized more than one thousand and five hundred soldiers and began to plan to hit the whole region ( where the fighters move and are found) from all directions and then gradually narrow the hold and surround the rebels in a narrow area to be able to exterminate them. Awate realized the seriousness of this aggressive plan aimed to quell the flames of revolution is in its infancy and for this reasons called a meeting with his fellow fighters, and addressed them by saying:
“You know that our number is small and we do not possess enough weapons fit for use to face the huge enemy forces creeping and targeting to extinguish the flame of revolution and kill the hope of liberation. We must work hard to keep the flame of revolution burning constantly until the full liberation of Eritrea is accomplished. If the flame is extinguished (God forbid) it will be very difficult to re-ignite it in a short time.”

“If we want to save our country, regain our honor and attain our goals, we have to pursue one way only and it the path of the armed struggle. Without the armed struggle it’s impossible to recover, repossess and regain any of our rights.”

“Today the azzanit (meaning the rifle) was pronounced and the last link has been cut off between us and the occupier; from today onwards there is no rest or sleep”

“My salute to the brave fighters who summoned all the national will and are competing riding the difficulties and sacrifices for the defense of your country, to give life and independence to your people. I am comfortable and fully confident that your enemy, their agents and spies after this day, cannot extinguish the spark of the Eritrean armed struggle.”

“We must fight injustice and oppressors in all possible and various ways?”

“The announcement of armed revolution is not an end in itself, but its continuation is essential to yield the desired result (liberation of Eritrea from Ethiopian occupation).”

In the last moments of his life, martyr Awate took his (abu aashara) riffle with which he sparked the first bullets of revolution and handed it to fighter Kboub Hajjaj and said to:
“Raise this rifle high (continue the armed struggle), until final victory is accomplished, God willing.”

GOLDEN JUBILEE
September 01, 1961 – September 01, 2011
The beginning of the: Eritrean Armed struggle for Liberation and Independence.
Martyr and Hero: HAMID IDRIS AWATE
The “FATHER OF THE ERITREAN ARMED STRUGGLE AND REVOLUTION FOR FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE”

؛By: Hamed Idris Awate – FaceBook page (on the occasion of the Golden Jubilee of the Eritrean Revolution)

ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ቅንያት ወናኒ መርበብ ሓበሬታ መስከረም ኔት ከም መቐጸልታ እቲ ሕሱር ናይ ዓሰባ ባህርያቱ ሕጂ’ውን ስም ተቓለስቲ ንምጥፋእ ነቲ ብኣምባሳዶር መሓመድ-ኑር ኣሕመድ ምስ መርበብ ሓበሬታ ኣልናህዳ ብቋንቋ ዓረብ ዝተገብረ ቃለ-መሕተት ፈጺሙ ንሱ ብዘይበሎን ዘይተዛረቦን ንዕኡ ብዝጥዕሞ ኣትርረጓጉማ ተርጒሙ ጸሎሎ ክቐብኦ ከም ዝፈተነ ኩሉ ዝተዓዘቦ ኢዩ። ይኹን’ምበር እቲ ብኣምባሳዶር መሓመድ-ኑር ኣሕመድ ዝተገብረ ቃለ መሕተት እቲ ሓቀኛ ኣተረጓጉምኡ ከምዚ ዝስዕብ ኢዩ’ሞ ተኸታተሉ፣-

መርበብ ሓበሬታ ዓዋተ ሰ.ደ.ህ.ኤ ሓድሽ መሪሕነት ከም ዝመረጸን ኣቦ-መምበር ዶር ተስፋይ ስብሃቱ፣ ምክትል ኣቦ-መምበር ድማ ሓጅ ዓብደል-ኑር ሓጅ [...]]]> ካብ ዓረብኛ ዝተተርጎመ

ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ቅንያት ወናኒ መርበብ ሓበሬታ መስከረም ኔት ከም መቐጸልታ እቲ ሕሱር ናይ ዓሰባ ባህርያቱ ሕጂ’ውን ስም ተቓለስቲ ንምጥፋእ ነቲ ብኣምባሳዶር መሓመድ-ኑር ኣሕመድ ምስ መርበብ ሓበሬታ ኣልናህዳ ብቋንቋ ዓረብ ዝተገብረ ቃለ-መሕተት ፈጺሙ ንሱ ብዘይበሎን ዘይተዛረቦን ንዕኡ ብዝጥዕሞ ኣትርረጓጉማ ተርጒሙ ጸሎሎ ክቐብኦ ከም ዝፈተነ ኩሉ ዝተዓዘቦ ኢዩ። ይኹን’ምበር እቲ ብኣምባሳዶር መሓመድ-ኑር ኣሕመድ ዝተገብረ ቃለ መሕተት እቲ ሓቀኛ ኣተረጓጉምኡ ከምዚ ዝስዕብ ኢዩ’ሞ ተኸታተሉ፣-

መርበብ ሓበሬታ ዓዋተ ሰ.ደ.ህ.ኤ ሓድሽ መሪሕነት ከም ዝመረጸን ኣቦ-መምበር ዶር ተስፋይ ስብሃቱ፣ ምክትል ኣቦ-መምበር ድማ ሓጅ ዓብደል-ኑር ሓጅ ከምኡ’ውን 11 ዝኣባላታ ፈጻሚት ሽማግለ ከም ዘቖመ ገሊጹ። ነዚ ዜና እዚ ምስ ረኣና ንዝያዳ መብርሂ ንምርካብ ወረቓቕትና ብምሓዝ ናብ እስታዝ መሓመድ-ኑር ኣሕመድ ኣባል መሰጋገሪ ፈጻሚ ሽማግለ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣምሪሕና። ብቐጥታ ድማ እንታይነት ናይዚ ሰልፊ እዚን ቀንዲ ዛዕባ (ምኽንያት) ምፍልላይ ኮነ ኣብ ቀጻሊ ድማ እንታይ ከም ዝሰዓበን ተወኪስናዮ። ንሱ ድማ ብኸምዚ ዝስዕብ መብርሂ ሂቡና፣-

ኣምባሳዶር፣-

እዚ ተጠቒሱ ዘሎ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኢዩ። እታ መሪሕነት ትብሃል ዘላ ድማ ሓዳሽ ፈጻምት ሽማግለ ናይ’ቲ ሰልፊ ዝተመርጸት ኢያ። ቲ ጉዳይ ንድሕሪት ተመሊስና እንተሪኢናዮ ኣብ ውሽጢ እቲ ሰልፊ ሓደ ሓያል ማዕበል ተፈጢሩ ንነዊሕ ጊዜ ድማ ኣብ ውሽጢ እቲ ሰልፊ ክሰርሕ ጸኒሑ። ገለ ካብ ጠለባቱ ድማ ውሳኔታት ዋዕላ ንደሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ ክንቅበል ኣሎና፣ ኣብ ዝመጽእ ጉባኤ (ዋዕላ) ድማ ክንሳተፍ ዝብል ኢዩ ነይሩ። እንተኾነ ግን በቶም ነዚ ጉዳይ እዚ ዘይቕበሉ ሸነኽ ወይ ወገን ጠለባት ተቐባልነት ኣይረኸበን። ከም ውጺኢት ናይዚ ድማ ንሓድነትን ዋዕላን ዝድግፍ ሸነኽ ነዚ ስጉምቲ እዚ ክወስድ ተገዲዱ። ኣብቲ ዝመጽእ ጉባኤ (ዋዕላ) ብዘይ ቅድመ-ኩነት ከምዝሳተፍ ኣዊጁ። እቲ ጉባኤ (ዋዕላ) ሓደ ንኹሉ ተቓውሞ ሓይልታት ንደሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ ዝቃለስ ዘጠቓልል ስለ ዝኾነ።

ብዛዕባ ውልቃዊ መርገጺኡ ምስተሓተተ ድማ፣-

ኣምባሳዶር፣- ኣነ ምስታፍ ኣብ ዝመጽእ ዋዕላ ዝድግፍ ኢየ። ነዚ ዝምልከት ድማ ብጽሑፍ ነቲ መሪሕነት ኣፍሊጠ ኢየ። እዚ ድማ ኩሉ ኣባል ዝፈልጦ ሓቂ ኢዩ። ነዚ ኣሕዋት ወሲደሞ ዘለዉ ስጉምቲ ድማ ምስ መርገጺየይ ዝሳነ ስለ ዝኾነ ብሙሉእ ልበይ እድግፎ ኢየ።

ኣብ ስዒቡ ዝካየድ መደባት ኣመልኪቱ ድማ ኣቶ መሓመድ-ኑር ኣሕመድ ከምዚ ይብል፣-

ኣምባሳዶር፣- እዚ ሓድሽ መሪሕነት ኣብ ቀረባ እዋን ምስ መሪሕነት ኪዳን ኮነ ኮምሽን ዋዕላ ርክባት ከካይድ ኢዩ። ግብረ-መልሲ ናይ ኪዳን ኮነ ኮምሽን ዋዕላ ብዘየገድስ ድልውነቱ ናብ ጉባኤ ንምስታፍ ከም ዘረጋገጸ ዝዝከር ኢዩ።

ብዛዕባ ወይዘሮ ምሕረት ገብረኢየሱስ ምስ ሓተትናዮ ድማ፣-

ኣምባሳዶር፣- ብጸይቲ ምሕረት ወላ’ኳ ብውልቃዊ ምኽንያት ስንብታ ትሕተት እምበር እቲ ሓቂ ግን ነቲ ዝነበረ ኣከያይዳ እቲ መሪሕነት ስለ ዝተቓወመትን እቲ ሰልፊ ድማ ብዉሑዳት ጉጅለ ስለዝተገዝአን ካብቲ ዕላማታትን መትከላትን ናይ ሰልፊ መንገዱ ስለዝሰሓተ ኢያ ካብ ሰልፊ ዝሰሓበት።

ብዛዕባ ምቅዋም ወይ ዘይምስታፍ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዋዕላ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣመልኪቱ ድማ ሓው ኣምባሳዶር  መሓመድ-ኑር ኣሕመድ፣-

እቲ ተዓቅቦታት ዝነበረ ኣብ ኣቃውማ ኣስናዳኢት ሽማግለ ዋዕላ፣ ሕጽረት ጊዜ ነይሩ። እንተኾነ ግን ኣሕዋት ኢትዮጵያውያን ይኹኑ ኩሉ ግዱስ ዜጋ ብጉዳይ ደሞክራሲያዊ ለውጢ ሚዒድዎም፣ ዝካየድ ዋዕላ 1ይ ዋዕላ እምበር ናይ መወዳእታ ዋዕላ ከምዘይኮነ ተሓቢርዎም፣ እንተኾነ ግን ንሳቶም ብትሪ ንኹሉ ተቓዊመሞ። ሕጂ ንሰምዖ ዘለና ድማ ኣብዚ ሒዝናዮ ዘለና መጠረሽታ ወርሒ ምስ ኣሕዋት ኢትዮጵያውያን ቆጸራ ኣለዎም። እቲ ሰልፊ ኣብ ዓቢ ሽግርን ቅልውላውን ወዲቑ ይርከብ። ንሳቶም ግን ካብቲ መርገጺኦም ዝቕይሩ ኣይመስሉን ኢዮም። ብዛዕባ ኣብ ውሽጢ እቲ ሰልፊ ንምእራም ዝተወስደ ስጉምቲ ንኽከላኸሉ ዝገብርዎ ጻዕርታት ድማ ብሙሉኡ ፈሺሉ ኢዩ። ምኽንያቱ ብግጉይን ዘይቅኑዕን መረዳእታ ስለዝሓዝዎ ኢዩ። ንኣብነት፣- እቲ ጉዳይ ከም ናይ ሓደ ሰልፊ ኤርትራዊ ህዝባዊ ምንቅስቕስ ብመሪሕነት ሓው ኣድሓኖም ገብረማርያም ጥራይ ዝካየድ ጌሮም ኣቕሪቦሞ፣ እቲ ሃንደበት ዝኾኖም ግን ብሙሉኡ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ኤርትራ ነበር ከይተረፈ ብጀካ መስፍን ሓጎስን ሓምድ ድራርን ኣብቲ ናይ መኣረምታ ስጉምቲ ተጸንቢሩ። ብኻልእ ኣዘረርባ እቲ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብምሉኡ ብጀካ እቲ ሳልሳይ ወገን (ሰልፊ ህዝቢ) ብሓደ ጠጠው ኢሉ ኣሎ። እቲ ኣቋውማ ናይዚ ሓድሽ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ድማ ነዚ ኢዩ ዘንጸባርቕ።

ብዛዕባ ናይ ሰውራዊ ባይቶ ነበር ምስ ተወከስናዮ ድማ ሓው ኣምባሳዶር መሓመድ-ኑር ኣሕመድ ከምዚ ዝስዕብ ይብል፣-

እዞም ሰባት እዚኣቶም ብሓደ ንነዊሕ ጊዜ ሰሪሖም ከም ሓደ ዓሌት (ቀቢላ) ተቐይሮም’ዮም። በዚ ድማ እቲ ሃገራዊ መርገጺታት ኣይጸልዎምን ኢዩ። ክፈላለዩ ድማ ብዝኾነ ምኽንያት ከቢድ ኢዩ። ይኹን’ምበር እዚ ሕጂ ነዚ ሰልፊ ኣጋጢምዎ ዘሎ ቅልውላውን እቲ ካብ ኩሉ ተነጺሎሞ ዘለዉ ኩነታት ኣብ ውሽጦም ሽግራት ከይፈጠረሎም ኣይተርፍን ኢዩ።

እቲ ኣብዚ እዋን እዚ ኣንጻር መስፍን ሓጎስ ብጸሓፊ ኣሎና ዝጸሓፍ ዘሎ ኣመልኪትና ምስ ሓተትናዮን ከምኡ’ውን ኣብ ቅትለት ኢብራሂም ዓፋ ኢድ ኣለዎ ዝብሃልን ኣመልኪቱ ክምልስ እንከሎ ኣምባሳዶር፣- ንሕና ኣብዚ ጊዜ እዚ ኩሉ ቃልስናን ጻዕርናን ኣንጻር እቲ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ክኸውን ኣለዎ። እቲ ቀዳማይ መራሒ ናይ ገበነኛታት ድማ ኢሳያስ ኢዩ። ገለ ካብ ጉጅለ 15 (G 15) ምስቲ ስርዓት ዝነበሩ ኣብቲ እዋን እቲ ገበን ፈጺሞም ክኾኑ ይኽእሉ ኢዮም። እንተኾነ ግን እቲ ሕቶ መስፍን ሓጎስ ኣብ ጉዕዞ ናይ ደምበ ተቛውሞ እንታይ ግደ ነይርዎ? ክንብል ይግባእ። ብወገነይ ንመስፍን ሓጎስ ክግምግሞ እንከለኹ መስፍን ኣብዚ ጊዜ እዚ ዝኾነ ጽልዋ ኣለዎ ክብል ኣይክእልን ኢየ። ኣብ ውሽጢ እንተሪኢና ልክዕ’ዩ ንሱ ሚኒስቴር ምክልኻል ኔሩ ኢዩ፣ እንተኾነ ግን እቲ ወተሃደራዊ ጉጅለታት ናብ ረብሕኡን ጠቕሙን ዘንቢሉ ይሰርሕ ኣሎ። ከምኡ’ውን ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ብዙሕ ምቅይያራት ኣብ ውሽጦም ብምክያድ ካብቲ መስፍን ሓጎስ ዝፈልጦ ኣንፈት እቲ ካርታ ናብ ካልእ ቀይርዎ ኢዩ። ኣብ ወጻኢ እንተረኣና ድማ ነቲ ህዝባዊ ግምባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ሰልፊ-ደሞክራሲ ዝመስረቱ ሰባት ወይ ጉጅለ ሎሚ ምስ መስፍን ሓጎስ ወላ ሓደ ሰብ የሎን። ከምኡ’ውን ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ቅድሚ ምጽንባር ንመስፍን ሓጎስ ካብ ኣቦ-መምበር ከውርዶ መዲቡ ኔሩ፣ መስፍን ድማ እዚ ስለዝተረድአ ብድልየቱ ካብ ኣቦ-መምበር ክወርድ ጠሊቡ። ስለዚ ኣብ መጠረሽትኡ መስፍን ሓጎስ ሓደ ዓቢ ባዶ ኣብ ውሽጥን ኣብ ወጻኢን ኢዩ።

ኣብዚ ክንሕብሮ እንደሊ ተጋዳላይ መሓመድ-ኑር ኣሕመድ ካብቶም ቀዳሞት ሃገራውያን  ተቓለስቲ ኢዩ። ሓያል መጎትን ትብዓትን ዝውንን ዜጋ ድማ ኢዩ። ወላ’ውን እንተተፈሊኻ ካብኡ ከተኽብሮ ዘገድደካ ኢዩ። ድሕሪ ናጽነት ካብ ዝነበሮ ውድቡ ተሰናቢቱ ምስኡ ዝነበረ ንብረትን ሰነዳትን ኣረኪቡ ናብ ሃገሩ ኣምሪሑ። ኣብ ውሽጢ እቲ ስርዓት ድማ ከም ዘይክእልን ከምዘይንቀሳቐስን ምስ ተረድአ ነቲ ስርዓት ራሕሪሑ ናብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ተጸምበረ። ኣብ ኩነታት ናይቲ ስርዓት ድማ ገለ ከይገደፈ ብምልኡ ዘቃልዐ ኢዩ። መርገጺታቱ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሰልፊ ደሞክራሲ ድማ ኩሎም ኣባላት እቲ ሰልፊ ዝፈልጥዎ ጉዳይ ኢዩ። ንፖሊስታትትን ዲክታቶሪያዊ ኣገባብ ኣመራርሓን መስፍን ሓጎስ ምጽራሩ ኣብ ቀረባን ርሑቕን ዘሎ ዝፈልጦ ሓቂ ኢዩ። እዚ ሕጂ ወሲድዎ ዘሎ መርገጺ ድማ ምስቲ ናይ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ዝሳነን ዝሰማማዕን መትከላዊ መርገጺ ኢዩ። ኣብ ውሽጢ ማሕበረ-ኮም ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ኣውስትራሊያ ድማ ዓቢ ተቐባልነትን ኣኽብሮትን ዘለዎ ዜጋ ኢዩ።

ምንጪ፣- ኣልናህዳ ዳት ኮም።

Our next Round Table guest comes to us from Europe; but is as African as an African can be. By way of fair and full disclosure; she is also a relative of mine and in my heart, she is my sister. She is Eritrean by birth. But, like many other Eritreans who left during the war for independence from Ethiopia, she now lives in Europe after spending many [...]]]> July 7, 2010 by Mama Afrika

Our next Round Table guest comes to us from Europe; but is as African as an African can be. By way of fair and full disclosure; she is also a relative of mine and in my heart, she is my sister. She is Eritrean by birth. But, like many other Eritreans who left during the war for independence from Ethiopia, she now lives in Europe after spending many years in the U.S. I thought that you would enjoy her perspective because she is not only a member of the much-discussed African Diaspora, she is also a staunch supporter of human rights, the rights of African women specifically and has spent most of her adult life fighting to attain democracy for some of Africa’s voiceless citizens including her own brother. Her name is Freweini Ghebresadick and I introduce her to Mama Afrika’s friends with the greatest joy in my heart.

Thank you Mama Afrika for your gracious introduction and the opportunity you afforded me to share my story with Mama’s friends; I am deeply touched. I admire your commitment to helping indigenous African women by connecting them the world through your Fair trade online business, MamaAfrika. In my view nothing gives any human being more pride and joy than to support one’s family by earning his or her own bread.

1. I was once told that it was important to be able to describe myself (who I am, what I do and what is important to me) in just one sentence. I offer you the same challenge: Who are you?

I am of complex identity and culture, Eritrean by birth, American by nationality and now residing in Germany, ever struggling to see the freedoms I enjoy in the free world realized in my country of birth.

2. I know that you are passionate about human rights globally; but more specifically in Eritrea. Please tell us why this issue is so important to you and what aspects of human rights are dearest to your heart. What has given you the passion for human rights issues?

Individual freedom is very important to me, i.e. to have the freedom to make choices as an individual. Every human being is born free and man should not control man; but forces of evil work otherwise, which unfortunately is a reality in Eritrea. And this reality did not spare my family; my brother Teklebrhan Ghebresadick, who sacrificed his youth and fought for 17 years in the Eritrean war for independence from Ethiopia, finds himself confined in a container in an undisclosed prison location in Eritrea. Teklebrhan was kidnapped from Kassala, Sudan by the government of Eritrea, right after independence; just when Eritreans, including me, were looking forward to reuniting with those the 30 years war spared.

That fateful day was Easter day, April 26, 1992. Teklebrhan was one of several freedom fighters in my family. It was also around that time when my family was told about the martyrdom of my younger brother and younger sister who happened to be on the government side. For my parents, it was very difficult to deal with these two contradictory plights at once. Here are parents of freedom fighters, whose children albeit in different fronts, fought for the same cause, receiving news of martyred heroes and a detained “traitor”.
Who would have thought that any Eritrean would be kidnapped in an independent Eritrea for no apparent reason, other than being in a “wrong” front! The martyrdom of the sons and daughters of Eritrea was meant to bring justice for those who survived. To add insult to injury, in those years, stones would be casted upon you by Eritreans, for disclosing incidents of kidnap, the lack of rule of law and the like. So, one cried, alone, behind closed doors; there is no way to explain the thoughts and feelings.

As difficult as it was, I could not put up with the silence for long. In addition to the enormous love and respect I have for Teklebrhan, I was convinced that to act and let my voice be heard was a responsible thing to do. Consequently, I went to Eritrea at the end of 1992 and frequented the prisons around Asmara and inquired his whereabouts. My stay in Eritrea was only a month, but towards the end I was threatened, in person, with imprisonment, if I continued inquiring about this taboo subject. I have not returned to Eritrea ever since, but continued my fight for justice with the cooperation of governments (politicians) and humanitarian organizations and finally with other Eritreans. I owed it to my brother and others like him to tell their stories. What is most unfortunate is, over the years, my family’s story has become the story of the majority of Eritreans.

3. Although Eritrea is a one-party state, which many call a dictatorship, political division within the Diaspora is rich and often very heated. What do you say to those who might accuse you of caring only about a particular political party and using it to your own gain?

To oppose exclusion or one party sate is to be inclusive. We are not fighting to simply oust the one party state government but rather to bring about a multiparty democracy. And that inclusiveness would benefit us all.

4. Many say that the term “human rights” implies women’s rights. They argue that therefore, no special status is needed for women. How do you answer them and what examples have you found in Eritrea which can serve to help explain your viewpoint?

Women’s rights are human rights; but human rights do not imply women’s rights; for there are rights which address issues specific to women. The reason is, women suffer the same human rights violation as men plus human rights violations that arise from women being discriminated against and abused on the bases of their gender. Without regard to geographical differences and level of development, throughout history women have not had equal access to resources such as education, property, legal and health services, work etc. For that reason, the historical imbalances need to be corrected; so I disagree with the notion that no special status is needed for women. Eritrean women are no different in terms of historical imbalances; however not much has been achieved to narrow the gap of inequality between men and women.

First of all, in the sense of movement, the issue of women’s rights was introduced with women joining the armed struggle and playing a double role, for the emancipation of women from an oppressive culture and male chauvinism and the liberation of Eritrea. Sadly, after independence, a combination of being demobilized from the army with no skills or resources to cope with the day to day challenges of civilian life and their male partners reverting to their old way of thinking, they were unable to ensure whatever gains were made towards women’s rights were followed.

Above all though, since human rights are not respected in Eritrea, women in Eritrea suffer indignity like the rest of the Eritrean people if not worse. Young women like their male counterparts are enrolled indefinitely so called national service. There is no independent women’s organization in Eritrea. Those few women in high positions serve the government and have nothing to do with protecting the interests of women or advancing women’s causes. As it has been said, Eritreans continue to be deprived of their basic human rights, and women’s rights demand an even more far reaching commitment.

5. Some African leaders and academics say that the concept of democracy isn’t “African” and that we should not be working towards it as a goal. They say that trying to “force democracy on Africans” is not a valid goal because it is not in our history, cultures or the desire of the heart of our people. What is your opinion on the subject?

For anyone, African or not, to want to have a say and to want to have the right to decide in matters of basic necessity is to be human. The art of governance is a very complex one; but politicians and academics seek for easy answers rather than admit to their own failures. Actually, our African forefathers use to address issues of paramount importance to their locality under the shade of giant trees, long before the scramble for Africa.

6. What do you think is the largest challenge facing African people in general and Eritrean people specifically when it comes to understanding the link between democracy and human rights?

Africans in general and Eritreans in particular continually live in a survival mode; in a siege of fear, poverty, disease and ignorance; which makes it difficult to see beyond today. The challenge is to expect politics to be so considerate and far sighted as to form the building blocks of democracy or democratic institutions. The masses will not rise for their rights unless they are aware of their right to demand them. This being the case, the elite are being called upon to lead the way to democracy and rule of law; that means the lawyer has to stand for justice, the teacher has to teach, the journalist has to report and the media has to inform, instead of being on the safe side and adorning dictators.

7. How does the fact that there is no freedom of press in Libya, no freedom of religion in Sudan, no right to discuss varying political views in Eritrea or no equal right under the law for women in Nigerian Sharia court affect a woman living in Ireland, Canada or Austria? In short: why should women living in freedom be concerned with the human rights of someone they’ve never met on the other side of the world? How does it concretely affect their daily lives?

Putting its moral aspects aside, today’s flow of immigrants should force women on the blessed side of the globe to see the dire situation under which their counter parts are living as well as the negative impact it will have on their own freedoms. It undermines what women, through years of struggle and enormous sacrifices, have achieved thus far. Displaced women will affect the standard of living as well as social status of the host countries’ women by falling victim to cheap labor and other exploitations.

Another threat to women’s cause living in freedom is that there are plenty of men in the west who make choices that lead to the undoing of what has been gained towards equal status for women. For example, in order to avoid assertive or self aware women, western men may travel to the Far East or any place where they can exploit women, such as shop for wives or use women for pastime while on vacation. All these have health implications as well. Therefore, women living in freedom should be concerned with the human rights of someone including those they’ve never met.

8. If you could wave a magic wand over Eritrea and change one thing; what would it be?

If I could wave a magic wand over Eritrea and change one thing, it would be that no man is above the law.

I would like to thank you so much for taking the time to join me at the Round Table, Freweini! It has been a pleasure talking to you about African women, human rights and democracy. I hope you will join us again soon.

If you would like to learn more about the work that Eritreans in the Diaspora are doing to bring democracy to their country, Freweini recommends that you start at the National Conference for Democratic Change.

I’d love to hear your ideas on women, human rights and democracy. It IS a Round Table after all; so now it’s your turn to talk… Dive in and tell us your views!

ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስይዊ ኪዳን (ቀዳማይ ወገን)

09.07.2007

ሕቶ – ዶ/ በየነ ኪዳነ ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ እዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ሓፈሻዊ ኩነታት ከመይ ክግለጽ ይከኣል?

መልሲ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ኩነታት ብዙሕ ጊዜ ደጋጊምና ንርእዮ ጉዳይ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ካብ’ቲ ዝነበሮ እንዳኸፍአን እንዳብኣሶን ምኻዱ፡ ምጥቃስ እንተዘይኮይኑ እዚኣ ኣላ ዝተመሓየሸት ኢልካ ትርእዮን ትዛረበሉን ኣርእስቲ ኣይህልውን’ዩ። ብኹሉ መዳያቱ እታ ሃገር ናብ ምንቁልቋል ገጻ ካብ እተምርሕ ነዊሕ እዋን ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ኩላትና ከም እንፈልጦ፡ ብፖለቲካዊ ዓይኒ እቲ ስልጣን ጨቢጡ ዘሎ ጉጅለ፡ ኩሉ ኣሎ [...]]]> ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና

ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስይዊ ኪዳን (ቀዳማይ ወገን)

09.07.2007

ሕቶ – ዶ/ በየነ ኪዳነ ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ እዚ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ሓፈሻዊ ኩነታት ከመይ ክግለጽ ይከኣል?

መልሲ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ኩነታት ብዙሕ ጊዜ ደጋጊምና ንርእዮ ጉዳይ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ካብ’ቲ ዝነበሮ እንዳኸፍአን እንዳብኣሶን ምኻዱ፡ ምጥቃስ እንተዘይኮይኑ እዚኣ ኣላ ዝተመሓየሸት ኢልካ ትርእዮን ትዛረበሉን ኣርእስቲ ኣይህልውን’ዩ። ብኹሉ መዳያቱ እታ ሃገር ናብ ምንቁልቋል ገጻ ካብ እተምርሕ ነዊሕ እዋን ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ኩላትና ከም እንፈልጦ፡ ብፖለቲካዊ ዓይኒ እቲ ስልጣን ጨቢጡ ዘሎ ጉጅለ፡ ኩሉ ኣሎ ዝበሃል ኣገባብ ተጠቒሙ፣ ነታ ሃገር ትንፋስ ከም ዘይትረክብ፡ ህዝቢ ኸዓ ርእይትኡ ከምዘይገልጽ፣ ብዘይካ’ዚ ሕቶ ከልዕል ንዝርአ ወይ ዝጥርጠር’ውን ሰፈሩ ኣብ ቤት ማእሰርቲ ምዃኑ፡ እዚ ብዙሕ መብርሂ ዘድልዮ ወይ ዘካትዕ ኮይኑ ኣይረኽቦን። እቲ ካብ ኩሉ ዘሰክፍ ተመልሲና ክንርእዮ እንከለና፡ እቲ ናይ መንእሰት ጉዳይ’ዩ። ናይ ትምህርትን ናይ ስራሕን ዕድላቶም ተበላሽዩ መንእሰይ ኤርትራ ካብ ናይ ሓርነት እዋን ኣትሒዙ ኣብ’ቲ እስገዳድ ዕስክርናን ባርነታዊ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎትን ተጸሚዱ ካብ ዝነብር ብዘይ ድሌቱ፣ ብዘይ ካሕሳን ብዘይ ዓስብን ካብ ዝነብር ነዊሕ እዋን ኮይኑዎ ኣሎ። ኣብ ትሕቲ እዚ ስርዓት’ዚ እታ መጻኢት ዕድሉ ዝኾነ ሽግራት ፈጢርካ  ምስ ጎረባብቲ ሃገራት ኣብ ዝካየድ ውግእ ምንቋቱ እዩ። ቅድሚ ሕጂ ዝጠፍአ ሂወት ኩላትና ንፈልጦ’ዩ። ድሕሪ ሕጂ’ውን እቲ ከቢብዎ ዘሎ ኩነታት ናብ’ዚ ገጹ ዘምርሕ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ እቲ ናይ መጻኢት ኤርትራ ተቐባሊ ሕድሪ መንእሰይ ኣብ ሽግር ይርከብ ኣሎ።

ብቑጠባዊ ዓይኒ ክንርእዮ እንተኾይና እታ ሃገር፡ እቲ ስርዓት ጨቢጡ ዘሎ ጉጅለ እዚ ኩሉ ምንጭታት ማእቶት፡ ባህርያዊ ሃብቲ ሃገር ኣብ ትሕቲኡ ገቢቱ፡ ኤርትራዊ ብልሒ ኪኢላነትን ተዓጻጻፍነትን ኣልሚሱ ነታ ሃገር ናብ ዕንወትን ድቀትን ካብ ዘምርሓ ነዊሕ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። ስለ’ዚ እታ ሃገር እተፍርዮን ንደገ እትልእኮን ሃላኺ-ኣቑሑ የለን። ስለ ዝኾነ’ውን ካብ ወጻኢ ትረኽቦ ሸርፊ የለን። ስራሕ ኣልቦነት መግለጺ ብዘይ ብሉ መልክዑ ሰማይ ካብ ዘሃርም ነዊሕ እዋን’ዩ። መብዛሕትኡ ህዝቢ ካብ ደገ ብዝረኽቦ ሓገዝ፡ ኣብ ዝተፈላለየ ኩርንዓት ዓለም ፋሓ ኢሎም ዘለው ኤርትራውያን ቤተ-ሰቡ ኣብ ተጸባይነት ዝነብር ዘሎ’ዩ። ስለ’ዚ ብሓጺሩ ሰብ ዝሰርሖ ጥምየት ኣስፋሕፊሑ ይርከብ። ምስ’ዚ’ውን ግቡእ ሕክምና ስለ ዘይረክብ ዝተፈላለዩ ሕማማት ከሳቕይዎ ይርከብ። ስለ’ዚ እቲ ኩነታት ብሓጺሩ እዚ’ዩ ኢልካ ክትገልጾ ኣብ ዘይከኣል መዋዳድርቲ ዘይብሉ ሕማቅ ኩነታት’ያ ትርከብ።

ሕቶ፡ ኣብ’ዚ እዋን’ዚ ብመንጽር’ቲ ኣብ ልዕሊኡ ዝወርድ ዘሎ ጭቆናን ወጽዓን ነዚ ኩነታት’ዚ ንምቕያር እቲ ኤርትራዊ መንእሰይ ይቃለስ ኣሎ’ዶ ክንብል ንኽእል? ዘይቃለስ እንተ ሃልዩኸ እንታይ ክገብር ኣለዎ ትብል?

መልሲ፡ ንሕና ካብ’ዚ ቀረባ እዋን ብፍላይ እዚ ዋሕዚ ናይ መንእሰያት ካብ ሃገር እናወሰኸን  እናስፋሕፈሐን ካብ ዝኸይድ እዋን ጀሚርና ክንዲ ዝተኻእለ መጠን ምስ መንእሰያት እናተራኸብና ካልእስ ይትረፍ ጉዳይ ሃገሮም ክርስዑ ከም ዘይብሎም፤ ተመሊሶም ኤርትራውያን ምኳኖም’ውን ክዝንግዑ ከም ዘይብሎም፤ ኣብ ምስትምሃርን ምንጋርን ብጽሒትና ከነበርክት ጸኒሕና ኢና። ኮይኑ ግን እቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገር ኣብ ትሕቲ’ዚ ስርዓት’ዚ ከጋጥሞም ዝጸንሐ ሕሉፍ ዝሓለፎ ጭቆናን ግፍዕታትን ኣስካሕኪሕዎም ስለ ዝጸንሐ ነዚ ከም ኤርትራውያን ሃገራዊ ስምዒቶም ከይተረፈ ሃስዩ ስለ ዝርከብ መጀመርያ ቃልስና ነዚ ንደገ ገጹ ዝውሕዝ ዘሎ መንእሰይ ሃገሩ ክዝክር፡ ተመልሹ ሕድሪ ተቐባላይ ምዃኑ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ኣብ መጻኢ ኣብ ዝካየድ ፖለቲካዊ ቃልስታት ዝለዓለ ግድኡ ከበርክት ኣብ ምኽኣል ክንቃለስ ኣለና። እዚ ተሃስዩ ዘሎ ሃገራዊ ስሚዒት ከኣ፡ እቶም መንእሰያት ንባዕሎም ነንሕድሕዶም ብምርኻብ ክመኻኸርሉን ነቲ ብሰንኪ ኣስካሓካሒ ጭቆና ርሒቕዎም ዝጸንሐ ሃገራዊ ስሚዒት  መሊሱ ሂወት ክሰኩዕ ኣብ ምግባር ግዲኦም ክጻወቱ ክንመኸሮም ጸኒሕና ኢና። እዚ ዘገድደና ዘሎ ምኽንያት ከኣ፡ ጽባሕ እዚ መንእሰይ’ዚ ብትምህርቲ ኮነ ብዓቕሚ ብኒሕ ሃገራውነቱ ክመልሶ እነተዘይክኢሉ ኣብ ጽባሕ ትመጽእ ኤርትራ ዝትካእ መንግስቲ’ውን ሓያል ባይታ ሓያል መሰረት ክህልዎ ስለ ዘይኽእል እዚ መሰረት’ዚ ኣብ ምትካል ንሕና ይኹን ወላ መንእሰይ ብወገኑ ክስለፈሉን ክዕጠቐሉን ከም ዘለዎ ኢና ንርእይ። ነዚ ድማ ኢና ንቃለስ ዘለና።

ሕቶ፡ ከም’ቲ ኣቐዲምካ ዝጠቐስካዮ እቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ኩነታት ኣብ ኩሉ መዳያቱ ክንርእዮ ከለና ሕማቕ’ዩ። እንድሕሪ እቲ ኩነታት ከም’ዚ ኢሉ ቀጺሉ ከስዕቦ ዝኽእል ሓደጋ’ውን ንኹላትና ብሩህ’ዩ። ስለዚ ነዚ ኩነታት’ዚ ንምኹላፍ ወይ ከኣ ነዚ ኩነታት’ዚ ንምቕያር ቅድሚ ኹሉ ብመንጽር ደንበ ተቓውሞ ክንርእዮ እንከለና፡ እንታይ ይድለ? ካብ’ቲ ዝድለ ኸ እንታይ ይግበር ኣሎ ክንብል ንኽእል?

መልሲ፡ እዚ ሕጂ ንዕርበት ገጹ ዘምርሕ ዘሎ መንእሰይ እሞ ከኣ በዚ ደረጃ ዝውሕዞ ዘሎ እንተቐጺሉ እቲ ኣሰካፊ ኮይኑ ኣብ ቅድሜና ዝረኣየና ዘሎ ጉዳይ ጽባሓ እታ ሃገር ተካኢ ኣብ ዘይብላ ባዲማ ከይትተርፍ’ዩ። ስለ’ዚ ነዚ ጠጠው ከነብሎ እንተዳኣ ኮይና፡ ብቐዳምነት ኩሉ’ቲ ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ዘሎ ሓይልታት፣ ጉጅለታት፣ ውልቀ-ሰባት ኮታ፡ እዚ ስርዓት’ዚ ንምልጋስ ይምልከተኒ ዝብል ኣካል ተሰማሚዑ ዝፈላልዮ ጉዳያት እንተ ሃልዩ’ውን ጽባሓ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ቀሪብና ክንወዳደረሉን ክንጻረየሉን ስለ ዝኾና ብሰላማውን ደሞክራስያውን ኣገባብ እዚ ሕጂ ዝፈለልየና ጉዳይ ንጎኒ ገዲፍና ብሓባር ኢድን ጓንትን ኮይና ነዚ ስርዓት’ዚ ምግጣምን ዕድሚኡ ምሕጻርን’ዩ። 

እታ ቀዳመይቲ ክትግበር ዘለዋ ነዚ ስርዓት’ዚ ከመይ ገይርካ ግዜ ከይወሰደ፡ ብመንጽር ኣብ’ዚ ሕጂ ዘሎ ኩነታት ነታ ሃገርን ህዝብን ከየብረሰን ከየጽነተን ተልግሶ? እትብል ነጥቢ’ያ። እዚ ኣልጊሱ ንሕና ከም’ቲ ንደልዮን ንጽበዮን ሓደ ንኹሉ ዝወከለን ንኹሉ ዘሳትፍን ደሞክራስያዊ ስርዓት ምስተተኽለ፡ ባዕሉ’ቲ ጉዳይ መንእሰይ ተመሊሱ ዳግመ ርእይቶ ክገብረሉ ምዃኑ፡ ኩነታት ናይ ሃገር’ውን ምስ’ዚ ተተሓሒዙ እናተመሓየሸ ክኸይድ ስለ ዝኽእል እቲ ዋሕዚ ናይ’ቲ መንእሰይ ምስ’ዚ ምውዳቕ ናይ’ዚ ስርዓት’ዚ ኣተኣሳሲርና ኢና ንርእዮ። ስለ’ዚ ግዜ ከይወሰደ እንከሎ እዚ ስርዓት’ዚ ክወድቕ ኢና ንርእይ። ድሒሩ እቲ መንእሰይ በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ጉድኣት ኣብ ምፍዋስ እቲ ዝማሃር ክምሃር፡ እቲ ናይ ስራሓ ብቕዓት ዘለዎ’ውን ክሰርሕ፡ እቲ በዂሩ ዘሎ ሰራሕተኛ ኣብ ሃገር’ውን መሊሱ እንዳደንፍዐን እንዳደልደለን ክኸይድ ምእንቲ ናብ’ዚ ገጽና ኢና ከነምርሕ  ዘለና ማለት’ዩ ኣብ መጻኢት ኤርትራ። ስለ’ዚ ብሓጺሩ እዚ ዋሕዚ ናይ መንእሰይ ጠጠው ኣቢልና ናብ ተሸካሚ ሕድሪ ሃገር ክንቅይሮ እንድሕር ኮይና ብዝቐልጠፈ እዋን እዚ ስርዓት’ዚ ከልግስ ከም ዘለዎ ምግባር’ዩ። እቲ መንእሰይ’ውን ስደት መፍትሒ ጸገም ከም ዘይኮነ ተገንዚቡ፡ ነቲ ስርዓት ንምውዳቕ ኣብ ዝካየድ ቃልሲ እጃሙ ከበርክት ከም ዘለዎ ናይ ምግባር ሓላፍነትና ክንዋጻኣ ኣለና።   

ሕቶ፡ እቲ ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ዘሎ ሓይልታት ኣንጻር’ቲ ስርዓት ንከድምዕ ተቓራሪቡ ክሰርሓሉ፡ ዝኽእል ኩነታት ክፍጠር ኣለዎ። ዝብል ተረድኦ ካብ ዝፍጠር ነዊሕ ጊዜ ገይሩ’ዩ። ምኽንያቱ ናይ ኪዳን ምፍጣር ናይ’ዚ ውጽኢት ይመስለኒ። ናይ ቅድም ናይ ምሕዝነት ምፍጣር’ውን ከምኡ። ስለ’ዚ እቲ ቅድም ኣብ ምሕዝነት ሕጂ ድማ ኣብ ኪዳን ዘሎ ሓይልታት ኣብ ደንበ ተቃውሞ እቲ ዝበዝሐን ዝያዳ ጽልዋ ዘለዋን’ዩ’ውን ክንብል ንኽእል። ከም’ዚ ኢሉ እንዳሃለወ ቅድሚ 4 ወርሒ ኣብ ደንበ ተቓውሞ፡ ዝተፈጥረ ምፍልላያት ነይሩ። ምናልባት ተመሊስና ናብ ዝርዝሩ ክንኣትው ኣድላይ ኣይመስለንን። ግን ሕጂ ኸ እንታይ ክገብር ኣለዎ? ኣኺልዎ ድዩ ድሕሪ ሕጂ ናብ ሓደ ከምጽኦ ዝኽእል ዕድል የለን?  

መልሲ፡ ኣብ’ዚ ዝሓለፈ ጉባኤ ናይ ኤርትራዊ ደሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ተመልሽና ክንርእዮ እንተዳኣ ኮይና፡ እዚ ጉባኤ’ዚ ኣብ’ቶም ኣገደስትን ኣድለይትን ዝኾኑ ጉዳያት ሃገር ተዓዊቱ ነይሩ ክንብል ንኽእል ኢና። ግን ከኣ ኣብ’ዚ መዳይ’ዚ ይተዓወት ደኣ እንበር፡ ባይቶ ናይ ኪዳን ሓንቲ ፈጻሚት ኣካል ተሰማሚዑ ክመርጽ ብዘይምኽኣሉ፡ ኣበ’ዚ መዳይ’ዚ ምፍሻሉ ንብዙሓት ካብ ርሑቕን ቀረባን ክከታተልዎ ዝጸንሑ ወገናት ከሰንብድ ኪኢሉ’ዩ። እዚ ንዝኾነሉ ምኽንያት  ሓላፍነት ዝሽከም’ኳ እንተሃለወ ብሓፈሻ ክረአ እንከሎ ብፍላይ’ቲ ካብ ጭቆና ስርዓት ህግደፍ ክናገፍ ሃንቀው ኢሉ ዝጽበ ዝነበረ ዝሰፍሐ ክፋል ህዝብና ከም ዝሰንበደ ንርዳኣ ኢና።

ንሕና ብዝገበርናዮ ዳህሳስ’ውን ነዚ ትዕዝብትታት’ዚ ኣንቢርና ኢና። ካብ መጀመርታኡ’ውን ከም ናይ ሓጐስ ዜና ኣይዘርጋሕናዮን። ኮይኑ ግና ብፍላይ ኣብ ንጹር ርእይቶታት ምፍልላይ ንባዕሉ መሰረት ምዕባለ’ውን ክኸውን ስለ ዝኽእል እቲ ምፍልላይ ከም ሓደጋ ኣይንርእዮን ኢና። እቲ ዝሓሸ ክውንነት’ዩ። ካብ’ዚ ሓሊፉ ግን ፍልልያት ክረከብ እንከሎ’ውን ንርእሱ እቲ ፍልልያት ብሰላማውን ደሞክራስያውን ስለ ዝእለ ፍልልያት ስለ ዝተረኸበ ከሰንብድና የብሉን። ዋላ’ቲ ደንበ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ሓደ ጽላል ምጥርናፍ ከም ኣወንታ ይረአ እንተ ነበረ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመታት እዚ ክትብሎ ትኽእል ዝሰርሖ ፖለቲካዊ ጉዳያት ወይ ኣንጻር’ዚ ስርዓት’ዚ ዝፈጠሮ ስንብራት ብዘድምዕ መንገዲ ኣሎ ክንብል ኣይንኽእልን ኢና። እዚ ክህልው እንተኾይኑ ብድሕሪ ሕጂ ብዝግበር ቃልሲ’ዩ። እዚ ናይ ባዕሉ በዓል በይታውን ወድዓውን ምኽንያታት ጸንሒዎ’ዩ። ስለ’ዚ ኣነ ብወገነይ ክርእዮ እንከለኹ “ካብ ሕጂ ዝነቐወ ዝብእስ ኣየሕደረንን” ከም ዝበሃል ምስላ ወለዲ ሎሚ  ንቅዋም ኪዳን ሃሪሙ ዘይሕጋዊ ስጉምቲ ዝወስድ ኣካል ክንርኢ እንከለና ኢድናን እግርናን ኣጣሚርና ከንዕዘብ እንተዳኣ ኮይና ጽባሕ’ውን ድሞክራስያዊ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ኣብ እንምስርተሉ እዋን ቅዋም ወይ ስርዓት መንግስቲ ሃሪሙ ዲክታተርያዊ ኣንፈታት ክሕዝ ይኽእል። ስለ’ዚ ካብ ሎሚ ኣትሒዝና ነዚ ኣብ ምርጫ ዝተኻየደ ዘይሕጋዊ ስጉምቲ ክንቃወም እንከለና ብመትከል’ዩ። ብሓጺሩ ዘይኢሰያስስ ደኣ ቅዋም ኣየተግብርን፡ ብቕዋም ተቐይደ ሃገር ኣየማሓድርን’ ስለ ዝበለ ኢና ንቃውም ዘለና። ስለ’ዚ ኣብ ቃልሲ ከለና ከም’ዚ ዓይነት ሰባት ከንዕዘብ ከለና፡ ብዘይ ተቓውሞ ክንሰግሮም እንተኮይና  ንጽባሕ’ውን ኣይተዳለናሉን አለና ዘስምዕ ስለ ዝኾነ ቁቡል ኣይኮነን። ግን እዚ ደኣ ይኹን’በር ኣብ መንጎ’ዚ ሕጂ ተፈላልዩ ዘሎ ክንፍታት ኤርትራዊ ደሞክራሲያዊ ኪዳን ናይ ርኽክብ መስኖ ክህልው ኣለዎ። እንታይ’ዩ እቲ ርኽክብ ክኸውን ዝኽእል፡ ኩሉ ነናቱ እምንቶ ሒዙ እቲ ዝካየድ ቃልሲ፡ ኣብቶም ቅድሚ ሕጂ ክንቃለሰሎም ዝጸናሕና ጉዳያት ደሞክራሲ፡ ንኣብነት ኣብ መንጎ ውድባት ክካየድ ዘለዎ ውድድር ሰላማውን ደሞክራስያውን ክኸውን፡ ኣብ ጽባሕ ትመጽእ ኤርትራ ሰለማዊ ናይ ስልጣን ምቅብባል ክህልው፡ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኣብ ስልጣን ንምድያብ፡ ኣብ ዝገብርዎ ቃልሲ ወሳንነት ህዝቢ ክቕበሉ፡ ወዘተ ዝብሉ ጉዳያት’ መሰረት ክኾኑ ኣለዎም። ካብ ሕጂ ኣትሒዝና በዚ ዝተጠቐሰ መሰረታዊ ነጥብታት ክንጅምር ይግበኣና። ነዚ ዓቂብና  ብዝዋሓደ ሰለማዊ ዝምድና ክህልው ካብኡ ሰጊሩ’ውን እቲ ምቅርራብ፡ ካብ ዝተሓተ ጀሚሩ ናብ ዝሓሸ ክድይበሉ ዝኽእል ኣንፈታት እንተተራእዩ ኣብ መጻኢ ብቓልሲ ክንርእዮ ንኽእል ጉዳይ’ዩ። ንሕጂ ግን ክልቲኡ ክንፍታት በብዘለዎ ክሰርሕ፡ እሞ ኣብ ስራሓ እንድሕሪ ኣትኩሩ እቲ ዝድለ ፍረ’ውን ክርከብ ይኽእል’ዩ። ብሓጺሩ ክብሎ ዝደሊ እቲ ክንፍታት ኣብ መንጉኡ ሰለማዊ ዝምድና ክህልው ንሕና ብእምነትና ክንቃለሰሉ ኢና። ናብ’ቲ ቅድሚ ጉባኤ ዝነበሮ ኩነታት ክምለስ ግን ምስ’ዚ ዝሓለፍናዮ ምረታት ብኡ ንብኡ ኣይንኽእልን ኢና። እዚ ንባዕሉ ጊዜ ዝወስድ’ዩ።

ሕቶ፡ ገለ ገለ ሰባት ግን፡ ኪዳን ናብ’ቲ ዝነበሮ ባህሪያዊ ቦታኡ ክምለስ ኣለዎ ይብሉ። ስለ’ዚ  ንኪዳን ናብ’ቲ ቅድሚ ጉባኤ ዝነበሮ ኩነታት ሕጂ ክትመልሶ ተኽእሎ ኣለ ድዩ? እዚ ኩነታት’ዚ ከመይ ትርእዮ?

መልሲ፡ በቲ ኣብ መወዳእታ ክፋል ናይቲ ጉባኤ ዝሓለፍናዮ ኩነታት ክንመዝኖ እንከለና፡ ኪዳን ናብ’ቲ ቅድሚ ጉባኤ ዝነበሮ ኩነታት ክትመልሶ ዝብል ኣረኣእያ ብናተይ ግምት ወይ ሚዛን ዘይ ክውንነታ’ውን ዘይ ተግባራውን ኮይኑ እየ ዝርኽቦ። ግን ከኣ ኩላትና ናይ ሓባር ጸላኢ ከም ዘለና፡ መጠን ጽባሓ’ውን ኣብ’ታ ሃገር በብዘለና ርእይቶታት ተወዳዲርና ደሞክራሲያዊ ስርዓት ኣብ ምምስራት ብሓባር ክንቃለስ ስለ ዝኾና ኣብ መንጎና ናይ ርኽክብ መስኖ ክህልው ኣለዎ ባሃልቲ ኢና። እዚ እንታይ ማለት’ዩ ከም’ቲ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ወርሒ ጉንበት ኣብ ናይ ሰለስተ ውድባትና ርኽክባት ወይ ሰሚናር ዝመዘናዮ፡ ኣብ መንጎ’ዚ ክልቲኡ ክንፍታት ኪዳን ናይ ርኽክብ መስኖ ክፉት ክኸውን ኣለዎ። ብመሰረቱ ንሕና ክንፊ ሓደ ዘኽስሰና ሕጋዊ ጥሕሰታት ስለ ዘይፈጸምና ድርድር ክንገብር ኣለና፡ ወይ ድማ ሕድገት ክንገብር ኣለና ኣይኮናን ንብል ዘለና። ግን ኣብ መንጎ’ዚ ክልተ ክንፍታት’ዚ ናይ ርኽክብ መስኖ ክኽፈት። ኮፍ ኣብ ንብለሉ እዋን’ውን ካበየናይ ደረጃ ጀሚርና ኢና፡ ክንራኸብ ንኽእል ብሓባር ክንርእዮ ንኽእል ጉዳይ’ዩ። ሕጂ ብሕጂ በዚ ደረጃ’ዚ ርኽክብ ክንፈጥር ንክኽል ኢና ወይ እዚ ዓቐን’ዚ ዝሓዘ ዝምድና ክንፈጥር ኢና ክንብል ኣይንኽእልን ኢና። እቲ ዝራእየና ዘሎ ግን ኣብ መንጎ’ዚ ክልቲኡ ክንፍታት ይኹን ካብ’ኡ ወጻኢ ዘለዉ ሓይልታት ርኽክብና እናዓሞቐን እንዳሰፈሐን ክኸይድ ከም ዘለዎ ብመትከል ከም ንኣምነሉ ጥራይ’ዩ።

ሕቶ፡ ኪኖ’ቲ በዚ ጉዳይ ምስካፍ፣ ኪኖ’ቲ ንምንታይ ከም’ዚ ተፈጢሩ ኢልካ ምሕዛን፣ ነቲ ነገር ብንቕሓት ኣብ ምዛንን ነቶም ተዋሳእቲ’ውን ዘዝግበኦም ሚዛን ተሓታትነት ኣብ ምሃብን ናይ ህዝቢ ተሳትፎ ከመይ ኣሎ? ወይስ ንኹሉ ወግናትዩ ብኣልማማ ዝኹንኖ?

መልሲ-  ድሕሪ እዚ ኩነታት ምርኣዩ ናይቲ ህዝቢ ርኢቶ፡ ካብ ቦታ ናብ ቦታ ይፈላለ እዩ። ብሓፈሻ ክርኤ እንከሎ ግን ኪዳን እዝን እዝን ከድምዕ ጸኒሑ ስለ ዝኾነ ምምቃሉ ወይ ምፍንጫሉ ኣወንታዊ ኣይኮነን፡ ዝብል ዘይኮነስ፡ ነታ ጽላል ተቓውሞ ጥራሓ ጠርኒፍዋ ብምጽንሑ ከም ሓደ ኣወንታዊ ስጉምቲ ክወሰድ ስለ ዝጸንሐ በዛ ኣብ ክልተ ምግምዓ ብዙሕ ኣይተሓጎሰን። ንሕና’ውን እቲ ኪዳን ተዓዊቱ ወይ ሞራል ህዝቢ ኣሓዲሱ ክንብል ኣይንኽእልን። ግን ካብ’ዚ ወጺእኻ ካብ ቦታ ናብ ቦታ ዝፈላለ ርእይቶታት ኣሎ። ኣብ ኣሜሪካ እንተኾይኑ ኩሉ’ቲ ብሓፈሻ፡ ዝበልክዎ ከም ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ እዚ ከም ክውን ነገር ንቕበሎ ኢና። ካብ ኮነ ግን እዚ ክንፊ ሓደ እንታይ ብልጫታት ከም ዘርእይ ክንጽበዮ ኢና። ከም ክውን ነገር ነዚ ናይ ስለስተ ውድባት ምሕዝነት እሞ ንሱ ዝውክሎ ዘሎ ክንፊ ናይ ኪዳን እንታይ ይሰርሕ እንታይ የድምዕ ኣብ ኩሉ ሸነኻት ናይ ቃልሲ ከኣ እንታይ ዓይነት ንጥፈታት የካይድ በዚ’ዩ ክምዘን ዘለዎ ዝብል’ዩ። ኣብ ኣውሮጳ ካብ’ዚ ፍልይ ብዝበለ ርእይቶታት ኣሎ። ንሱ ከኣ እቲ ዓኣቐዲመ ክንገልጾ ዝጸናሕኩ ኪዳን ናብ ክውንነት ናብ’ቲ ዝነበሮ ኩውንነት ክምለስ ኣለዎ ዝብል ርእይቶ ኣሎ። እዚ ርእይቶ ግን ከም’ቲ ዝበልኩዎ ተግባራዊ ከም ዘይከውን፡ ኣብ’ዚ ሓጺር እዋን’ዚ ክዕወት ከም ዘይኮነ ብምብራህ መኪትናዮ ኢና። እዚ ድሌት’ዚ ከም ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ ንሓደ ሽግር እቶም ኣካላት ናይ’ቲ ሽግር ብሓባር ክሰርሕሉ እንተ ዘይክኢሎም ክፍታሕ ከም ዘይክእል ከነብርሆ ኪኢልና ኢና።

ኣብ’ዚ ከባቢ ሃገራት ንዝርከብ መሰረታት ሰለስቲኡ ውድባት ብሓፈሻ ክንርእዮ እንከለና፡ ነቲ ሰለስተ ውድባት ዘካየድኦ ጻዕሪ ብፍላይ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ይድግፍዎ’ዮም። በዚ መዳይ’ዚ’ውን ነቲ ዘሎ ጽፍሕታት ንቕድሚት ክደፍኣሉ ምዃኑ ዓጊቡ ብሓባር ክሰርሕ ጀሚሩ ኣሎ። ኣብ ሱዳን’ውን እቲ ኣኼባታት ናይ መሰረታትን ካድራትን ናይ ሰለስቲኡ ውድባት ብሓባር ከካይድ ተራእዩ ኣሎ። ብፍላይ ከኣ እቲ ዘደንቕ  ኣብ መደበር ስደተኛታት ምስ ዝርከቡ መሰረታትን ኤርትራውያንን ዝተኻየደ ኣኼባ፡ ነቲ ክንፍና ዘካየዶ ጻዕርታት ማለት ኤርትራዊ ደሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ጥርናፊኡ ሓሊዩ ንኽወጽእ ክሳብ መወዳእታ ዘካየዶ ሕድገታትን በብደረጅኡ ዘቕረቦም መዋጽኦታትን ኣሞጊስምዎ’ዮም። እዚ ክኸውን እንከሎ፡ እዚ ካብ ሓልዮት ዝነቅል መሰረት፡ እቲ ክነፍስ ዝወረሐ መሰረት ዘይብሉ ሓድነት ህዝብን ሃገርን ዝሃሲ ወፈራታት ምእንቲ ከየድምዕ  ብተናጽል ድዩ ወይ ብእኩብ እዚ ክንፊ’ዚ ምስቶም ካልኦት ውድባት ብቐጻሊ ርኽክባት ከካይድ ከም ዘለዎ ተማሕጺኑ ኣሎ። ስለ’ዚ ብሓጺሩ፡ ብፍላይ ኣብ መሰረታት መደበር ስደተኛታት ዝርከቡሉ ኣባላት ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ ከም’ዚ ዝኣመሰለ ርእይቶ ሒዞም ምቕራቦም፡ ብሓቂ ብሱልን ዘሐጉስን ኮይኑ ኢና ረኺብና’ዮ።

ሕቶ፡ ሓደሓደ ሰባት ኣብ ውሽጢ ኪዳን ሽግርን ምክፍፋልን ንክመጽእ ጠንቂ ዝኾነ፡ ሸነኻት ወይ  ብሎካት ምፍጣር’ዩ ይብሉ። እቲ ብሎካት’ውን በዚ ሕጂ ብሎክ ሓደ ተባሂሉ ዝጽዋዕ ዘሎ ብሰለስተ ውድባት’ዩ ጀሚሩ’ዩ ይብሉ። ስለ’ዚ ኣብ ከም’ዚ ንሕና እንነብረሉ ዘለና ፖለቲካዊ ሃለዋት ብሎካት ምፍጣር ጸገም ከምጽእ ይክእል ድዩ? እንታይ ማለቶም’ዩ?

መልሲ፡ መጀመርያ ኣብ’ዚ ክንጠቕሶ ዘለና ጉዳይ እንተልዩ፡ እቲ ፍልልያት ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ጉባኤ ናይ ኪዳን ዝተፈጥረ ዘይኮነስ፡ ኣብ ምምስራት ኤርትራዊ ሃገራዊ ምሕዝነት ጀሚሩ ዝነበረ ፍልልያት’ዩ።

ቀዳማይ፡ ቅዋም ናይ ኪዳን  ወይ እቲ ምሕዝነት ዝቕየደሉ ቅርጻ ስርዓት ንኹሉ ሕቶታትን  ምናልባታትን ብዝምልሽ መንገዲ ክምዕብል ኣለዎ ኣብ ዝብሉን፡ የለን እዚ ክቕየር የብሉን ኣብ

ዝብሉን ክልተ ኣካላት ፍልልያት ጸኒሑ’ዩ።

ካልኣይ፡ ቻርተር ናይ ኪዳን ምእንታን ኣብ ኩሉ ከድምዕን ክጥርንፍን ኩሉ ብዝቕበሎ መልክዕ ክመሓየሽ ኣለዎ። ኣብ ዝተሓተ ነጥበ ስምምዕ ዝተሞርኮሰ ቻርተር’ዩ ክኸውን ዘለዎ።  ኣብ ዝብሉን፡ የለን፡ ቻርተር ናይ ኪዳን በቲ ዘለዎ ክቕጽል’ዩ ዘለዎ ዝብሉን ፍልልይ ጸኒሑ።

ሳልሳይ፡ ኩለን ውድባት ኤርትራ ማዕረ ስፍሓትን ክብደትን ዘለወን ኣይኮናን። ገለ ገልኤን ዓበይቲ ኣለዋ፣ ገልኤን ማእከሎት፣ ገልኤን ድማ ናኣሽቱ ኣለዋ። ካብ’ዚ ሓሊፉ’ውን ውሑዳት ኣባላት ዘለዎM ነብሶም ከም ውድባት ፈሊጦም ዝንቀሳቐሱ ኣለዉ። ስለ’ዚ ኣብ’ቲ ናይ ኪዳን ኣመራርሓ ዝካየድ ተሳትፎ ብደረጃ ክበደትን ስፍሓትን ናይ’ተን ውድባት ክኸውን ኣለዎ ኣብ ዝብሉ ብሸነኽና ማለት’ዩ፡ የለን እዚ ብማዕረ ክኸውን ኣለዎ። ሓደ ኣብ ኩሉ ኩርናዓት ዓለም መሰረታቱ ዘርጊሑ ዘሎ ውድብን ውሑዳት ኣባላት ኣብ ውሱን ቦታ ዝውንን ውድብን ብማዕረ ክሳተፉ ኣለዎም ዝብልን፡ ፍልልይ ጸኒሑ’ዩ። ስለ’ዚ እቲ ፍልልይ ሓድሽ ኣይኮነን።

እዚ ጉባኤ ድሕሪ ምክያድና’ውን ነዞም ኣርእስትታት እዚኣቶም ኣልዒልና ኣብ እንካታዓሎም ዝነበርና እዋን፡ እዚ ፍልልያት’ዚ ተንጸባሪቑ’ዩ። ፍሉጥ’ዩ ቻርተርን ቅዋምን ኩሉ ዝዓግበሉ ዘይኮነስ ኩሉ ብዝቕበሎ መልክዕ ምምሕያሹ ሓደ ዓወት ኣመዚጊብና’ና፡ ክንብል ንኽእል ኢና። ነቲ መጠናዊ ውክልና ዝብል ኣርእስቲ ዝምልከት ከም’ቲ ዝተደለየ መጽናዕቲ ተኻይዱ ንክትዕ ዝቐረበ ኣይነበረን። ስለ’ዚ መጠናዊ ተሳትፎ ናይ ውድባት ዝብል ከይተዓወትናሉ ኢና ወጺእና። ከምኦም ዝኣመሰሉ ጉዳያት’ውን ኣድቒቕና ክትዕ ብምክያድ ተዓዊትናሎም ክንወጽእ ዝግበኣና ከም ሓደ ሰራዊት ምምስራት ዝብል ነይሩ። እዚ’ውን ኣይተዓወትናሉን። ብሓፈሻ ክምዘን እንከሎ ግን፡ ብዘይካ’ቲ ኣብ መወዳእታ  ኣብ ኣመራርጻ ፈጻሚት ኣካል ዝተራእየ ፍልልይ እቲ ጉባኤ ናይ ኤርትራዊ ደሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን፡ ነዛ እዋን’ዚኣ ከስርሓና ብዝኽእል መንገዲ ዳርጋ ተዓዊትናሉ ወጺእናሉ  ክንብል ንኽእል ማለት’ዩ።

ሕቶ- ሎሚ ኣብ ኤርትራዊ ደሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ክልተ ክንፍታት ወይ ከኣ ክልተ ወገናት ኣሎ። ገለ-ገለ ሰባት ግን ነዚ ክውንነት’ዚ ናይ ምኽሓድ ምልክታት’ውን ትርኤሎም ኢኻ። ኪዳን ከም ቀደሙ ከምዘሎ ኣምሲልካ ናይ ምቕራብ ፈተነታት’ውን ይረኤ’ዩ። እዚ ከምዘለዎ ኮይኑ እቲ ውድባትና ዝርከባሎ ቀዳማይ ወገን ኪዳን ከመይ ኣሎ? ብኸመይ ኣገባብ’ዩ ሕጂ ብልጫታቱ ከርኢ? ምኽኒያቱ ከም’ቲ ኣቐዲምካ ዝባልካዮ፡ ክፍተን ኣለዎ።

መልሲ፡ እቲ ኪዳን ኣይተመቐለን ኣይተፈንጨለን ዝብል ኣበሃህላ’ኳ ኣብ ነናቱ ኣብያተ ጽሕፈት፣ ነናቱ ትከላት መስሪቱ ክንቀሳቐስ ካብ ዝጅምር ድሮ ገለ ወርሓት ሓሊፉ ስለ ዘሎ፡ ነዚ የለን ዝብል ንክውንነትን ኣብ ባይታ ዘሎ ሓቅታትን ምኽሓድ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ብዙሕ ከዛርበና ዝግብኦ ጉዳይ ኣይኮነን። ማለት ክውን ዘሎ ነገር’ዩ። ንሰርሓሉ ዘለና መንገዲ ኮይኑ ተረኺቡ ኣሎ። ብዛዕባ’ቲ ሃለዋት ናይ ኪዳን ቀዳማይ ወገን እንድሕር ኮይኑ፡ ንሕና ኣብ’ቲ ዝሓለፈ ናይ ሰለስተ ውድባት ሰሚናር፡ ከም ዝርኣናዮ ብደረጃ ኪዳን ከመይ ክንቅጽል ኢና? ክንድ’ቲ ንሕና ኣብ ክሊ ኪዳን እንዳተቓለስና ዝመጽኣናሉ እዋን፡ ዝፈጠርናዮ ዝምድና ኣብ ባይታ’ውን ሓባራዊ ስርሓት እንዳካየድና ክንቅጽል ከም ዝግበኣና ዝሕብረና እዩ። ኣብ’ዚ ሰለስቴና ውድባት ብዘይ ነግ ፈርግ ኣቲኪልና ክንጽቅል ኢና። ካለኦት ውድባት ተተወሲኸሞ ድማ ዝያዳ ከድምዕ እዩ። ውጽኢቱ ድማ ሽዑ ዝሕብረና ክኸውን’ዩ። ስለ’ዚ መጀመርያ ንርእዮ ዘለና ጉዳይ፡ ሓባራዊ ስራሓት ናይ’ዚ ክንፊ-ሓደ ምድልዳል‘ዩ፣ ክምዕብልን ክሰፍሕን ከምዘለዎ ምግባር’ዩ። ነዚ ከኣ ተበጊስናሉስ ኣብ ብዙሕ ቦታታት ውጺኢታቱን ፍሬታቱን ከርኣይ ጀሚሩ’ሎ። ካብ’ዚ ተበጊስና ኣብ’ዚ ናይ ሓበራዊ ስራሓ ምስ ኣትከልና ኸዓ፡ ካብኡ ናብ ዝማዕበለ ስርርዕ ክንድይብ ምእንቲ ካብኡ ናብ ዝዓመቖ ሓድነት ገጽና ከነምርሕ ምእንቲ እዚ መጀመርያ ሓባራዊ ስራሓት ከነደልድልን ካልኦት ሓይልታት’ውን ኣብ ዙርያና ከም ዝጥርነፉ ናይ ምግባር ቃልስታት ከነካይድ’ዩ እቲ ዘሎ ቀጻሊ ዕላማና።ነዚ መንገዲ ከኣ ጽቡቕ ተታሓሒዝናዮ ኣለና።  ንቕድሚት ኸዓ ንስጉም ኣለና።

ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን

ሑሴን ኸሊፋ ይብል፡-

…ሜዳ ኤርትራ ክሓልፎ ብዝጸንሐ ሃለዋት ዕጉባት ኢና….

…ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ፡ መጽናዕታ ኣዳልያ ንፈጻሚ ቤት ጽሕፈት ኣቕሪባቶ ኣላ …

…ህልዊ ፖለቲካዊ ቻርተር፡ ገለገለ ተዓቕቦታት ክግበረሉ ዝጸንሐ’ዩ…

…ኣብ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ፡ ንሲቪላዊ ማሕበራትን ካብ ኪዳን ወጻኢ ዘለዋ ውድባትን ኣብ ውዱእ መኣዲ ኣይኰናን ክንዕድሞም..

…ጕባኤ፡ ሓድነት ኪዳን ዘረጋግጽን ዝያዳ ብቕዓት ዘለዎን ንጡፍን ውፉይን መሪሕነት መሪጹ ክወጽእ’ዩ ትጽቢታትና…

ንሕና፡ ኣብ ልዳት ናይ ጠቕላል ጕባኤ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳንን ሃገራዊ ዋዕላን ኣብ ዘሎናሉ እዋን ኢና፡ ብዛዕባ ክልተ ኣሰናዳእቲ ሽማግለታት ጕባኤ ኪዳንን ሃገራዊ ዋዕላን ዝገበርኦ [...]]]>

ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜና

ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን

ሑሴን ኸሊፋ ይብል፡-

…ሜዳ ኤርትራ ክሓልፎ ብዝጸንሐ ሃለዋት ዕጉባት ኢና….

…ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ፡ መጽናዕታ ኣዳልያ ንፈጻሚ ቤት ጽሕፈት ኣቕሪባቶ ኣላ …

…ህልዊ ፖለቲካዊ ቻርተር፡ ገለገለ ተዓቕቦታት ክግበረሉ ዝጸንሐ’ዩ…

…ኣብ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ፡ ንሲቪላዊ ማሕበራትን ካብ ኪዳን ወጻኢ ዘለዋ ውድባትን ኣብ ውዱእ መኣዲ ኣይኰናን ክንዕድሞም..

…ጕባኤ፡ ሓድነት ኪዳን ዘረጋግጽን ዝያዳ ብቕዓት ዘለዎን ንጡፍን ውፉይን መሪሕነት መሪጹ ክወጽእ’ዩ ትጽቢታትና…

ንሕና፡ ኣብ ልዳት ናይ ጠቕላል ጕባኤ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳንን ሃገራዊ ዋዕላን ኣብ ዘሎናሉ እዋን ኢና፡ ብዛዕባ ክልተ ኣሰናዳእቲ ሽማግለታት ጕባኤ ኪዳንን ሃገራዊ ዋዕላን ዝገበርኦ ምድላዋት ንጹር ሓበሬታ ንምርካብን፤ እቲ ምድላዋት በጺሕዎ ዘሎ ደረጃ መብርሂ ንምርካብን ምስ ሓው ሑሴን ኸሊፋ፡ ኣቦ መንበር ፈጻሚ ቤት ጽሕፈት ተራኺብና ነዚ ቃለ-መሓትት’ዚ ዝገበርና። ስለ’ዚ ኢያ፡ መጽሔት ኣልናህዳ፡ ኣብ ምስንዳእን ምክያድን ናይ’ዚ ጕባኤታት’ዚ ዘትኰረ ቃለ-መሓትት ክትገብር ዝመረጸት።

ኣስዒብና ዝገበርናዮ ቃለ-መሓትት ነቕርበልኩም

ሕቶ፡- ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ኣብ ናይ መወዳእታ ኣኼባኡ ዘትኰረሎም ቀንዲ ጕዳያት ኣየኖት ኢዮም? ስርሓት ናይ’ተን ንጕባኤ ዝኸውን ሰነዳት ከዳልዋ ዝቖማ ሽማግለታት’ከ ኣበናይ ደረጃ በጺሑ ኣሎ?

መልሲ፡- ኣብ ዝሓለፈ መጋቢት ዝተኻየደ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ መሪሕነት ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ኣብ ሰለስተ ጕዳያት ዘትኰረ’ዩ ነይሩ።

ቀዳማይ፡- እዚ ኣኼባ’ዚ፡ ካብ ወርሒ ሚያዝያ ክሳዕ መወዳእታ ወርሒ 2006 ክካየድ ዘለዎ መደብ ዕዮ ኣብ ኵሉ መዳያት ናይ ቃልሲ ሓንጺጹ፤

ካልኣይ፡- ንጕባኤ ናይ ኪዳን እተሰናድእ ሽማግለ ኣቚሙ። እታ ሽማግለ ካብ ኵሎም ኣባላት ውድባት ብዝተወከሉ ባእታታት ኢያ ቆይማ። ንቻርተርን ቅዋምን ዝምልከት ርእይቶታት ናይ ኣባል ውድባት ተቐቢላ መጽናዕቲ ክትገብርን ነቲ ናይ ሓድነትን ፍልልያትን ነጥብታት መምያ ከተቕርብን መምያ ናብ ፈጻሚ ቤት ጽሕፈት ከተቕርብን ተመዚዛ። ፈጻሚ ቤት ጽሕፈት ከኣ፡ ካብ’ዚ ተበጊሱ፡ ንድፊ ቻርተርን ቅዋምን ኣዳልዩ ናብ ኣኼባ ናይ መሪሕነት ከቕርብ’ዩ።

ሳልሳይ፡- ንሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ብዝምልከት ከኣ፡ ሓንቲ ንተመኵሮታት ናይ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላታት ኣብ ዓለምና ኣጽኒዓ ርእይቶ እተቕርብ ሽማግለ ቆይማ። መንግስታትን ተቓወምቶምን ብሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ኣቢሎም ሽግራቶም ዝፈትሕሉ ብዙሕ ተመኵሮታት ኣብ ዓለምና ርኢና ኢና። ከምኡ ውን፡ ኣብ’ዚ መዳይ’ዚ፡ ኣብ ርእሲ’ቲ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላና ዘጽንዓቶ ብዶክተር ተስፋጽዮን መድሃኔ እተገብረ መጽናዕቲ፡ ብዙሕ ካልእ ተመኵሮታት ውን ኣሎና። ሽማግለ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ፡ ዘዳለወቶ መጽናዕቲ ናብ ፈጻሚ ቤት ጽሕፈት ኣቕሪባቶ ኣላ። ፈጻሚ ቤት ጽሕፈት ኣብ’ቲ ቅድሚ ጕባኤ ኪዳን ዝካየድ ኣኼባ ናይ ማእከላይ መሪሕነት ከቕርቦ ኢዩ።

ሕቶ፡- ጕባኤ ናይ ኪዳን ኣብ ዝመጽእ ዘሎ ወርሒ ታሕሳስ 2006 ክግበር’ዩ ክንብል ንኽእል’ዶ?

መልሲ፡- ካብ ድሌትና ወጻኢ ዝዀነ ኵነታት እንተዘየጋጢሙና፡ መደብናን ሓሳብናን ከምኡ ኢዩ።

ሕቶ፡- ሓው ሑሴን፡ ኪዳን ኣብ ጕዕዞ ቃልሱ ዓቢ ስጕምቲ ንቕድሚት ከይዱ’ዩ። ተቓውሞ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ዓረባዊ ዓለም፡ ኣውሮጳ፡ ኣመሪካ ዓበይቲ ዓወታት ኣመዝጊቡ’ዩ። ስለ’ዚ፡ በዚ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ መድረኽ ዝተረጋገጽ ዓወታት ዕጉባት ዲኹም?

መልሲ፡- ብመንጽር’ቲ ሜዳ ኤርትራ ዝሓልፎ ዝነበረ ኵነታት፡ እወ፡ ዕጉባት ኢና። ልክዕ’ዮ ዕድመ ናይ’ዚ ህልው ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ልዕሊ 2 ዓመት ኣይኰነን። ቅድሚ ምምስራት ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ካልእ ናይ ሓድነት ክሊ ከምዝነበረ ዝፍለጥ ኢዩ። ሓድነት ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ንምርግጋጽ ካብ 1999 ኣትሒዙ’ዩ ጻዕርታት ክካየድ ጸኒሑ። እዚ ከኣ፡ ብ3 መጋቢት 2005 ናብ’ቲ ንመጀመርያ ግዜ ንዅሉ ተቓወመቲ ውድባት ዝጠርነፈ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስይዊ ኪዳን ምምስራት ኣብጺሑና። ኣብ’ቲ ዘጽደቕናዮ ፖለቲካዊ ቻርተር ገለገለ ተዓቕቦታት ነይሩ’ዩ፡ ግን ኵለን ውድባት ኪዳን ኣብ ትሕቲ ጽላል ናይ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ክንጥርፍ በቒዕና ኢና። ካልእ ዘረጋገጽናዮ ዓወታት ከኣ፡ ብኸም’ዚ ዝስዕብ ክጸምቖ እፈቱ።

ቀዳማይ፡- ሓድነትና ኣብ ክሊ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ከነዕቁብ ብምኽኣልና፡ ብመንግስታት ዞናና ክብረት ክንረክብ ኣኽኢሉና ኢዩ። ብረድዮ ምብራቕ፡ ረድዮ ከሰላ፡ ከምኡ ውን ካብ ኢትዮጵያ ብዝፍኖ ናይ ረድዮ ፈነወታት፡ መልእኽትና ናብ ህዝብና ከነብጽሕ ኪኢልና ኢና። እዚ፡ ቅድም ዘይነበረና ዕድላት’ዩ። ከምኡ ውን፡ በቲ ኣብ ወወርሒ ብቋንቋታት ዓረብኛን ትግርኛን እንግሊዝን ከነውጽኦ ዝጸናሕና መጽሔት ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን፡ ንህዝብናን ንዓለምን መልእኽትና ከነብጽሕ ክኢልና ኢና። ኣብ ርእሲ’ዚ፡ ኤርትራውያን ዝከታተልዎ ናይ ኪዳን መርበብ ሓበሬታ ኢንተርነት (web site) ኣሎና።

ኣብ ህዝባዊ መዳይ፡ ኣብ ርእሲ’ቲ ኣብ ሱዳን ብሰንኪ ህላወ ናይ ብዙሓት ኤርትራውያን ዘሎና ሰፊሕ ህላወ፥ ካብ ኣውስትራልያ ጀሚርካ ክሳዕ ሰሜን ኣመሪካ፡ ኮታ ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ዝርከብሉ ቦታታት፡ ብኣባል ውድባት ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ዝቖማ ጨናፍር ኣለዋና።

ኣብ መዳይ ኣህጕራዊ ዝምድናታት፡ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ኣብ ኣውሮጳን ማእከላይ ምብራቕን ኣመሪካን ንዝርከቡ ኣዕሩኽን ፈተውትን ሃለዋት ህዝብናን ኵነታት ተቓወምቲ ውድባትን ከብርህን፤ ከምኡ ውን፡ ብዝስማዕን ዝንበብን ናይ ዜና መሳርሒታት ኣቢሉ ነቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ዝርከብ ህዝብና፡ ህላወን ዕላማታትን ናይ ተቓወምቲ’ቲ ስርዓት ዝዀኑ ውድባት ከብርህን ከፋልጥን ኪኢሉ ኢዩ። ልክዕ’ዩ፡ እቲ እተመዝገበ ዓወታት፡ ማዕረ’ቲ ትጽቢታትና ኣይኰነን። ምኽንያቱ ከኣ፡ ትጽቢታትና ነቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ዲክታቶርያዊ ስርዓት ምልጋስ ስለዝዀነ’ዩ። ምስ’ቲ ቅድም ዝነበረ ዝተከፋፈልን ብቱንን ሃለዋት ተቓውሞ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ብምንጽጻር፡ ሎሚ፡ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኣብ ዝሓሸ ኵነታት ኣሎ ክብል እደፍር። ካብ’ቲ ቀንዲ ዝተዓወትናሉ ጕዳያት ከኣ፡ እቲ ውድባት ተቓወምቲ ሓይልታት ኤርትራ ኣብ ሕድሕዶም ብፍላይ ከኣ ብኢንተርነት ዘካይድዎ ዝነበሩ መጥቃዕቲ ደው ከነብልን፤ ቅድም ዘይነበረ ናይ ሕድሕድ ምክብባርን ምስምማዕን ሃዋህው ክንፈጥርን ምኽኣልና ኢዩ። ብተወሳኺ፡ ኣብ ክሊ’ዚ መድረኽ’ዚ፡ ኣብ መንጐ ውድባት ናይ ምትእምማን መንፈስን፤ ብተናጸል ኣድማዒ ስርሓት ክካየድ ኣይከኣልን’ዩ ዝብል ዕግበትን ከነሕድር ክኢልና። ስለ’ዚ፡ ዘለናዮ መድረኽ ካብ ዝሓለፈ መድረኻት ዝሓሸ’ዩ፤ ከምኡ ውን፡ ንኪዳን ብምምዕባል ዝሓሸ መተካእታ ንምግባሩ ናይ ኵሉ ድሌት ኰይኑ ኣሎ ክንብል ንኽእል።

ሕቶ፡- ኣብ ክሊ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ዝግበር ምጽንባራዊ ሓድነት ከመይ ትርእይዎ? ከም’ዚ ዝዓይነቱ ሓድነት፡ ኣወንታዊ ነጸብራቕ ኣብ መጻኢ ጕዕዞ ናይ ኪዳን ኣለዎ ኢልኩም’ዶ ትኣምኑ?

መልሲ፡- ኪዳን ከም ፖለቲካዊ ጽላል ምህላዉ ኣብ መንጐ ፖለቲካዊ ሓይልታት ክህሉ ንዘለዎ ዝምድናታት እንደገና ተመሊሶም ክግምግሙ ዘኽኣሎም ይመስለኒ። ኣብ ክሊ’ዚ ኣረዳድኣን፡ ኣብ ክሊ’ዚ ጥዑይ ሃዋህውን እዚ፡ ሰለስተ ውድባት ኣብ ትሕቲ ሓደ ውድብ (ግንባር ሃገራዊ ድሕነት ኤርትራ) ክጽንበሩ ክኢሎም። እዚ ከኣ፡ ሓደ ካብ’ቲ ኪዳን ዘመዝገቦ ዓወታት ገይርና ኢና ንቖጽሮ። ከም’ዚ ዝኣመሰለ ስጕምታት ክውሰድ ድማ ደገፍቱ ኢና። ስለዝዀነ ከኣ፡ ኵሎም ዝመሳሰል ወይ ዝቀራረብ መደብ ዕዮታት ዘለዎም ውድባት፡ ኣብ ሓደ ውድብ ክጥርነፉ ንጽውዕ። ምኽንያቱ ድማ፡ ሓድነት ሓይሊ ስለዝዀነ ኢዩ።

ሕቶ፡- ብመሰረት ኣኼባ መሪሕነት ኪዳን፡ ድሕሪ ምምስራት ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ፡ ነፍስወከፍ ኣባል ውድብ ኪዳን ኣብ ቻርተርን ቅዋምን ዘለዎ ርእይቶ ናብ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ክልእኽ፤ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ድማ፡ ኣብ መወዳእታ ናይ ወርሒ ነሓሰ 2006 ጸብጻባታ ናብ መሪሕነት ከተቕርብ ተወሲኑ ነይሩ። ኣብ’ዚ መዳይ’ዚ፡ እንታይ ዝተሳለጠ ስርሓት ኣሎ? መሪሕነት’ከ ነዚ ሰነዳት’ዚ፡ ካብ’ተን ውድባት ተቐቢሉ’ዶ?

መልሲ፡- ከም’ቲ ዝበልኩምዎ፡ እቲ ዝተሰማማዕናሉ መደብ፡ ውድባት ኪዳን ርእይቶታተን ናብ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ጕባኤ ከቕርባ፤ ኣሰናዳኢት ሽማግለ ድማ፡ ነዚ ርእይቶታት’ዚ ሓደ መልክዕ ኣትሒዛ ናብ ፈጻሚ ቤት ጽሕፈት ከተረክቦ’ዩ ነይሩ። እዚ ጕዳይ’ዚ ብዙሕ ተክኒካዊ ጸገማት’ኳ እንተኣጓነፎ፡ ኣብ መወዳእታ ግን፡ ከም’ቲ ኣብ ላዕሊ ዝጠቐስክዎ ኰይኑ። ውድባት ርእይቶታተን ኣቕሪበን፡ ኣብ መወዳእታ ከኣ፡ እዚ ርእይቶታት’ዚ ኣብ ናይ ሓደ ሓባር ርእይቶ ተጸሚቑ ኣሎ። እዚ ከኣ፡ ኣብ ዝመጽእ ዘሎ ኣኼባ ማእከላይ መሪሕነት ንክትዕ ክቐርብ’ዩ።

ሕቶ፡- ብዛዕባ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላን፡ ኣብኡ ዝሳተፉን፡ ግደ ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራትን፡ ከመይነት ኣዳልዋኡን ብዙሕ ዝብሃል ዘረባታት ኣሎ። ብዛዕባ’ዚ ጕዳያት’ዚ እንታይ ትብሉ?

መልሲ፡- ብዛዕባ’ዚ ጕዳይ’ዚ ብዝምልከት፡ ተረድኦና ብዛዕባ ልዝብ ክስከሞ ካብ ዝኽእል ጾር ንላዕሊ ከይነሰክሞ ተስፋ እገብር። ዕማምና፡ ብዛዕባ ኣብ ዝተፈላለዩ ኵርንዓት ናይ ዓለም ዝተጋህዱ ጠቐምቲ ናይ ልዝብ ተመኵሮታት መጽናዕትታት ኣብ ምክያድ ዝተሓጽረን፤ ከመይነት ተሳትፎ ናይ’ቶም ነዚ ተመኵሮ’ዚ ከጐልብቱ ዝኽእሉ ሸነኻት ንምንጻርን ኢዩ ነይሩ። ብዛዕባ’ቲ ምድላውን ምምሕዳርን ናይ’ቲ ሃገራዊ ዋዕላ ብዝምልከት ግን፡ ናይ ዝዀነ ይኹን ሸነኽ ዋንነት ኣይኰነን። እንታይ ደኣ፡ ናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብመላኡን፤ ናይ’ቶም ኣብ’ዚ ዋዕላ’ዚ ዝሳተፉን ሸነኻት ብጽሒት ኢዩ። ብኻልእ ኣገላልጻ፡ ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራት ይኹና ወይ ድማ፡ ካብ ኪዳን ወጻኢ ዝርከባ ውድባት፡ ኣብ ዝተወድአ መኣዲ ክንጽውዐን ኣይኰናን። ብኣንጻሩ ኣብ ምድላው ናይ’ዚ ዋዕላ’ዚ ክሳተፉ ምዃኖም ኢና እንርዳእ። ንሳቶም ከኣ፡-

• ካብ ኪዳን ወጻኢ ዘለዉ ውድባት፤
• ሲቪላዊ ማሕበራት፤
• መራሕቲ ሃይማኖትን ዓበይቲ ዓድን፤
• ምሁራት ኤርትራውያን፤
• ተመኵሮ ዘለዎም ናጻ ዝዀኑ ፍሉጣት ዜጋታት፤
• ኣብ ዓለም ዝርከቡ ኤርትራውያን ጋዜጠኛታት፤

ኢዮም። ኵሎም እዚኦም ኣብ ምስንዳእ ናይ’ቲ ዋዕላ ክሳተፉ ኢዮም።

ሕቶ፡- ካብ ጕባኤ ኪዳንን ሃገራዊ ዋዕላን እትጽበይዎ ውጽኢት እንታይ’ዩ?

መልሲ፡- ጕባኤ ኪዳን ብዝምልከት፡ ሓደ ናይ ሓባር ቻርተር ሓንጺጹ ክወጽእን፤ ሓድነቱ ከዕቁብን፤ ዝያዳ ብቕዑን ንጡፍን ውፉይን መሪሕነት ክመርጽን፤ እዚ ኪዳን’ዚ ንባህግታት ህዝብና ዘማልእ ዝሓሸ መተካእታ ናይ’ቲ ስርዓትን ክኸውንን ኢዩ ትጽቢትና። ኵላትና ብዘይ ኣፈላላይ፡ ሽግራትናን ፍልልያትና ናብ ህዝብና ከነስግሮ፡ እሞ ህዝብና መተካእታ ስኢኑ ክነብር ኣይንደልን ኢና። ኣብ መጻኢ ከነረጋግጾ እንደሊ ድሌትናን ዕላማናን እዚ’ዩ። ከምኡ ውን፡ ነቲ ስርዓት ንምውዳቕ እንግልገለሉ መሳርሒታት ከነማዕብል እዋናውን ማእከላውን ዕላማና ኢዩ።

ሕቶ፡- ኣብ መወዳእታ፡ ሓው ሑሴን ኣብ ኪዳንን ኣብ ውድብኩም ተሓኤን ብዘሎካ መሪሕነታዊ ቦታ፡ ስርዓት ኤርትራ ኣብ’ዚ መወዳእታ እዋን’ዚ ኣብ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ዝገብሮ ዘሎ ምንቅስቓሳት ከመይ ትርእይዎ?

መልሲ፡- ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ኣብ’ዚ መድረኽ’ዚ ዘሰጕሞ ዘሎ ፖሊሲታት ሓድሽ ዘይኰነስ፡ ካብ ናጽነት ሃገርና ኣትሒዙ ክኽተሎ ዝጸንሐ ኢዩ። ሓድሓደ ግዜ፡ ጸላኢ ኰይኑ ኣብ ውሽጣዊ ጕዳያት ናይ ጐረባብትና ዝዀና ሃገራት ጣልቃ ክኣቱ ይርአ። ካልእ ግዜ ከኣ፡ ፈታዊ ተመሲሉ፡ ናይ ጐረባብቲ ሃገራት ሽግራት ክፈትሕ ይፍትን። ብተረድኦና ግን፡ እዚ ሽግራት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ምፍታሕ ዝፈሸለ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ናይ ጐረባብትና ሽግራት ክፈትሕ ብቕዓት የብሉን። ህዝብና ኣብ ትሕቲ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ብሰንኪ ዘሕልፎ ዘሎ ሕማቕ መነባብሮ፡ ብርክት ዝበለ ቍጽሪ ዘለዎም ኤርትራውያን ናብ ሱዳንን ኢትዮጵያን ስዑድያን ካልኦት ሃገራትን ይስደዱን ከምዘለዉ ዓለም ብመላኡ ዝፈልጦ ጕዳይ ኢዩ። ከምኡ ውን፡ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ብዛዕባ ግህሰት ሰብኣዊ መሰላትን ናጽነታትን ይኹን፡ ብዛዕባ ብልሽውና ብዝምልከት፡ ካብ’ቶም ዝኸፍኡ ስርዓታት ምዃኑ ዝእምት ጸብጻባት ካብ ኣመሪካውያን ናይ ሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ዝርከብወን ብዙሓት ሰብኣዊ ማሕበራት ምዝርግሑ ኵሉ ዝፈልጦ ሓቂ ኢዩ።

ስለ’ዚ፡ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ኣብ ዓይኑ ካልኦት ዘሎ በሰር ከውጽእ ካብ ምፍታን፡ ኣብ ዓይኑ ዘሎ ጕንዲ ከውጽእ፡ ማለት ናይ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሽግራት ክፈትሕ እንተዝፍትን ምሐሾ ነይሩ ንብል። እቶም ኢሳያስን ጕጅላኡን ሽግራትኩም ክንፈትሓልኩም ዝብልዎም ዘለዉ ሃገራት ከኣ፡ ሽግራቶም ባዕሎም ናይ ምፍታሕ ካብ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ዝበለጸ ዓቕምታት ከምዘለዎም ኢየ ዝርዳእ። ]]> http://www.farajat.net/en/archives/3399/feed 0 http://www.farajat.net/en/archives/3339 http://www.farajat.net/en/archives/3339#comments Thu, 05 Oct 2006 21:57:02 +0000 farajat http://www.farajat.net/en/?p=3339

1. ጕባኤ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ንምንታይ ኣድለየ?

ድሕር’ዚ ውድባት ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ዝኸድዎ ናይ ሓባር ጕዕዞን [...]]]>

ምስ ኣልሃዲ መሓመድ ኣሚን፡ ኣንዓም ዓማር፡ ህወይዳ ኣሽወያ

እተገብረ ቃለ-ምልልስ፤ ስኣላይ ዕልም ኣልሃዲ ሓምድ

ድሕሪ ኢሳያስ ናብ ካርቱም ዝገበሮ ብጽሖትን፤ ስዒቡ ዝመጸ ልዝብ መንግስቲ ሱዳንን ናይ ምብራቕ ሱዳን [...]]]> ሱዳናዊት ጋዜጣ ኣል ሓያት ሕታም ቍ. 1145 ቀዳም 01ሓምለ 2006 ገጽ 7፡ ፖለቲካ

• ንሕና ንልዝብ ድልዋት ኢና። መንግስቲ ሱዳን ድማ ኣብ መንጐናን ኣብ መንጐ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ልዝብ ክግበር ኣዎንታዊ ግደ ክትጻወት ትጽቢት ንገብር።
• ነቲ ስርዓት ንምውዳቕ ኵሉ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ንጥቀም።
• ሱዳን ንህላወ ናይ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ደው ከተብል’ያ ዝብል ትጽቢት የብልናን። ንሕና ዲሞክራስን ናጽነትን ፍትሕን ከነስፍን ኢና ንቃለስ።

ምስ ኣልሃዲ መሓመድ ኣሚን፡ ኣንዓም ዓማር፡ ህወይዳ ኣሽወያ

እተገብረ ቃለ-ምልልስ፤ ስኣላይ ዕልም ኣልሃዲ ሓምድ

ድሕሪ ኢሳያስ ናብ ካርቱም ዝገበሮ ብጽሖትን፤ ስዒቡ ዝመጸ ልዝብ መንግስቲ ሱዳንን ናይ ምብራቕ ሱዳን ተቓወምቱን ኣብ ኣስመራ፤ ሱዳን’ከ፡ ንተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ምስ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ምስ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ንምልዛብ እንታይ ግደ ኮን ትጻወት ትኸውን? ሱዳን’ከ፡ ከም’ቲ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ጕዳይ ምብራቕን ካልእ ቦታታት ሱዳንን እተጻወቶ ግደ ኣብ ኤርትራ ክትጻወት ተኽእሎ ኣሎ’ዶ?። ነዝን ካልእ ሕቶታትን መልሲ ንምርካብ ምስ ኣቶ ኣሕመድ ሙሓመድ ናስር፡ ሓላፊ ቤት ጽሕፈት ወጻኢ ጕዳያት ናይ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ኣካይድና። ብዛዕባ’ዚ ዝተዋህበ መልሲ ኣስዕቢና ነቕርበልኩም።

1. ልክዕ ከም’ቲ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ንመንግስቲ ሱዳንን ንተቓወምቲ ግንባር ምብራቕን ንምልዛብ ዝወሰደቶ ስጕምቲ፡ ሱዳን’ከ ንዓኹምን ንኢሳያስ ኣፍወርቅን ንምዕራቕ ተመሳሳሊ ስጕምቲ ትወስድ’ዶ ይመስለካ?

መልሲ፡- ብቐዳምነት ኣገደስቲ ዝዀኑ ሓቅታት ንምርግጋጽ ዝኣክል፡ ህዝብን መንግስትን ሱዳን፡ ብሰሪ’ቲ ዘሎ ናይ ጕርብትናን ናይ ታሪኽን ዝምድናታት ኣብ ዝሓለፉ 30 ዓመታት፡ ንሰውራ ኤርትራ ክትድግፍ ከምዝጸንሐት ምጥቃስ ግድን ኢዩ። ካብ’ዚ ብምብጋስ፡ ሱዳን ኣብ ኤርትራ ጸጥታን ምርግጋእን ንምስፋን ክትጻወት እትኽእል ግደ ኣለዋ። እዚ ንሽግራት ኤርትራ ንምፍታሕ ዝሕልን ስለዝዀነ፡ ንሕና ሓንጐፋይ ኢልና ኢና እንቕበሎ። ብወገና ዝዀነ ይኹን ተቓውሞ የብልናን። ኤርትራ፡ ንመንግስትን ግንባር ምብራቕን ሱዳን ንምርኻብ እትወስዶ ዘላ ተበግሶ፡ መእተዊ ንፍታሕ ሽግር ኤርትራ ክኸውን ንትስፎን ንጽበን።

ሕቶይ፡ ከምዚ ዝኣመሰለ ርእይቶ ብሸነኽ ሱዳን ኣሎ ድዩ ዝብል’ዩ? መልሰይ፡ ከምኡ ዝብል ናይ ሱዳን ርእይቶ እንተደኣ ሃልዩ፡ ንሕና ኣብ ጠረጴዛ ኮፍ ኢልና፡ ኵሉ ናይ ሃገርና ቅልውላው ክንፈትሕ ድልዋት ኢና።

2. ግን፡ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ፡ ምስ ናይ ምብራቕ ተቓወምቲ ብተኣማንነት ክትሰርሕ ድያ?

መልሲ፡- ኣይኰነን። እዚ ስልቲ’ዩ። መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ሽግር ኣሎ ኢሉ ኣይኣምንን ኢዩ። በንጻር ናይ’ቲ ቀደም ዝገብሮ ዝነበረ ክዋሳእ ዝገበሮ ብዙሕ ረቛሕትታት ኣሎ። እዚ ሕጂ ዝብሎ ዘሎ፡ ምስ’ቲ ቅድም “ጥርፍቲ ወይ ፋንዳመንታል ሱዳን”፤ “ስርዓት ሱዳን ኣሸባሪ’ዩ፡ ንጸጥታ ናይ’ቲ ዞና ንምዝራግ’ዩ ዝሰርሕ” …ወዘተ፡ ዝብሎ ዝነበረ ኣነጻጺርካ ክርአ እንከሎ፡ ንፖለቲካዊ ሃልኪ ጥራሕ ምዃኑ’ዩ ዝበርሃልካ። እዚ ሃንደበታዊ ዝዀነ ለውጢ’ዚ ውጽኢት ናይ እናዛየደ ዝኸይድ ዘሎ ውሽጣዊ ቅልውላዋትን ካብ ኵሉ ኵርንዓት ኣብ ልዕሊኡ ዝግበር ዘሎ ተጽዕኖታትን ኢዩ። ንሽግር ሱዳን ንምፍታሕ መንጐኛ ምዃን፡ ብርእይቶኡ ካብ’ቲ ውሽጣዊ ቅልውላዋቱን ካብ’ቲ ኣብ ልዕሊኡ ዘሎ ተጽዕኖታት ዝወጽኦ ኰይኑ ተሰሚዕዎ።

3. ንስኻትኩም’ከ ንልዝብ ድልዋት ዲኹም?

መልሲ፡- እወ፡ ድልዋት ኢና።

4. ንልዝብ እተቕርብዎ ቅድመ-ኵነት ኣሎኩም’ዶ?

መልሲ፡- የብልናን። ንሕና እነቕርቦ ቅድመ ኵነት የለን። ንሕና፡ እቲ መንግስቲ ፍታሕ ዘድልዮ ቅልውላው ከምዘሎ ክኣምንን፤ ንህላወ ናይ ዝተፈላለዩ ተቓወምቲ ክቕበልን ጥራሕ ኢና እንጽውዖ። እንተደኣ እቲ ስርዓት ነቲ ቅልውላው ክፈትሕ ቅሩብነት ኣርእዩን ብህላወ ናይ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኣሚኑን፥ ንሕና መንጐኛታት ኣብ ዝሳተፍዎ ናይ ጠረጴዛ ልዝብ ኮፍ ኢልና፡ ነቲ ሽግር መሰረታዊ ፍታሕ ብምርካብ ስልጣን ነቲ ዋናኡ ዝዀነ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምስርካብ ድሉዋት ኢና። ህዝቢ ድማ፡ መን የመሓድሮ ክመርጽ ናቱ መሰል ኢዩ።

5. ብርእይቱኹም መፍትሒ ናይ’ዚ ሽግር’ዚ እንታይ’ዩ ትብሉ?

መልሲ፡- እቲ መፍትሒ፡ ብርግጽ፡ ኵሉ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ምጥቃም ኢዩ። እንተዀነ ግን፡ እዚ ስርዓት’ዚ ዲክታቶርያውን ቀንጻልን ስለዝዀነ ብፍቶቱ ስልጣን ከረክብ ከምዘይኰነ ከነረጋግጽ ንፈቱ። ውድቀቱ እናተረጋገጸሉ ምስ መጸ ግን፡ ናብ ልቡ ክምለስ ይኽእል ኢዩ። ኣብ’ዚ እዋን’ዚ፡ ስርዓት ኢሳያስ፡ ኣብ ከቢድ ጸገም’ዩ ዘሎ። ስለዝዀነ ድማ፡ ኵሉ ዓቕምታት ኤርትራ ኣብ ጸጥታዊ ትካላቱ’ዩ ዘዋፍሮ ዘሎ። ንሕና፡ ነቲ ቅልውላውት ሰላማዊ መፍትሒታት ክርከቦ ኢዩ ድሌትና። ማለት ኣብ መንጐና ልዝብ ክካየድ ኢና ንደሊ። እቲ ስርዓት ነዚ ጠለባት’ዚ ንኽቕበል ከነገድደሉ እንኽእል ብዙሕ ናውቲ ውን ኣሎና። ንኣብነት፡ ሽሕ’ኳ፡ ኢሳያስ ኣብ ስልጣን ድሕሪ ምብጻሑ፡ ካብ ሓደ ወርሒ ኣብ ዘይነውሕ ግዜ፥ ብ20 ሰነ 2001 ኣብ ዝገበሮ መደረ፡ ካብኡ ፍልይ ዝበለ ርእይቶ ንዘለዎ ዘበለ ኵሉ ከምዘይቅበልን፤ ርእይቶኡ ንዝገለጸ ክኣስርን ምዃኑ እንተፍለጠ፡ ንሕና ግን፡ ህዝባውን ዲፕሎማስያውን ዜናውን ከበባ ክንገብረሉን ክንጽሎን፤ መልእኽትና ኣብ ውሽጢ ይኹን ኣብ ደገ ንዝርከብ ህዝብና ዋላ ውን ኣብ’ቶም ደገፍቱ ከነብጽሕን፡ ኣበርቲዕና ክንሰርሕ ይግብኣና። ከምኡ ውን፡ ንሲቪላዊ ማሕበራትን ኣህጕራዊ ማሕበረ-ሰብን መልእኽትና ከምዝበጽሖም ክንገብር ኣሎና። ምስ’ዚ ኵሉ ግን፡ ነቲ ሽግር ብሰላማዊ ኣገባብ ኢና ክንፈትሖ እንደሊ። ኵሉ ኣዋጃትናን ጸዋዒትናን ድማ ነዚ’ዩ ዘረጋግጽ። ድሌትና፡ ብሓባር ኮፍ ኢልና፡ ነቲ ሕሉፍ ምዕራፍ ዓጺና፡ ኣብ ናይ መጻኢ መድረኽ ሃገራዊ መደብ ዕዮ ዝተሰረተት ሓዳስን ዘመናዊትን ብልጽግትን ሃገር ምህናጽ ኢዩ።

6. እቲ ስርዓት ንልዝብ ክቕበል ዘገድዶ እንታይ ዝተቐየረ ነገር ኣሎ? ንኣብነት፡ ስለምንታይ ኢኹም ወተሃደራዊ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ዘይትጥቀሙ?

መልሲ፡- ነቲ ስርዓት ንምቕያርን ንምውዳቕን፡ ኵሉ ኣገባብ ቃልሲ ቅቡል ኢዩ። ወተሃደራዊ ኣገባብ ውን ሓደ  ካብኡ ኢዩ። ንሕና፡ ግን ንሰላማዊ ኣገባብ ኢና ቀዳምነት ንህብ። ወተሃደራዊ ኣገባብ፡ ምስ’ቲ ኣብ ዞናና ኣካቢቡና ዘሎ ኵነትት ውን ዝምድና ዘለዎ ኢዩ። ንሕና፡ ንሃገርና ካብ ኣዕናዊ ውግእ ሕድሕድ ከነናግፋ ኢዩ ምርጫና። ስለዝዀነ ድማ፡ እቲ ወተሃደራዊ መሳርሒታትና ክንጥቀመሉን ከነናጣጥፎን ኣይንደልን ኢና። ምኽንያቱ ከኣ፡ ውግእ ዋጋኡ ቀሊል ኣይኰነን። ነቲ ስርዓት ከነጋልጽን፡ ዓለምና ቆላሕታኡ ናብኡ ክገብርን፡ ነቲ ግሃሲ ፖሊሲታቱ ከነብርህን ምኽኣልና እኹል ኢዩ። ክበርህ ዘለዎ ካልእ ጕዳይ ከኣ፡ ንሕና ንበይንና ጥራሕ ኣይኰነን ነቲ ስርዓት ንቃወም ዘሎና። ዝቃወምዎ መምህራን ናይ ዩኒቨርሲታትን ምሁራትን ሲቪላውያን ማሕበራትን ውን ኣለዉ። ከምኡ ውን፡ ኵነታት ናይ ኤርትራ እናኸፍአ ይኸይድ ምህላዉ ዝከታተሉ ተዓዘብቲ ኣለዉ። ነዚ ስርዓት’ዚ ዝዅንን ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣመሪካ ዘውጽኣቶ ጸብጻብ ኣሎ። ኵነታት ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ሕማቕ’ዩ ዘሎ። ከምኡ ውን፡ ሃለዋቶም ዘይፍለጥ እሱራት ኣለዉ። እዚ ጥራሕ ዘይኰነ፡ ንኤርትራ ምስ ኢሳያስ ኰይኖም ዘማሕድርዋ ዝነበሩ፡ ከም በዓል ማሕሙድ ሸሪፎ ኣብ ማእሰርቲ ዝበልዩ ኣለዉ። ኣብያተ-ክርስትያናትን መሳጊድን ተዓጽዩ። ባይቶ ሕቡራት መንግስታት ኣመሪካ ሃለዋት ናይ እሱራት ንምጽናዕ ናብ ኤርትራ ልኡኽ ሰዲዱ ነይሩ፤ መንግስቲ ኢሳያስ ግን ኣይተቐበሎምን። ብሓጺሩ፡ ኵሉ መዳያዊ ህይወት ኣብ ኤርትራ ሕማቕ’ዩ ዘሎ። ኣብያተ-ማሕቡስ ካብ ሃገራዊ ኣገልግሎትን ካብ ሰራዊትን ብዝሃደሙ፡ ናብ ፍርዲ ዘይቐርቡ እሱራት ኢዩ መሊኡ። ዶብ ናይ ሱዳን ክሰግር እንከሎ ዝተታሕዘ ስደተኛ ይቕተል ኣሎ። ዋላ እቶም ቀደም ኣምባሳደራትን ዲፕሎማሰኛታትን መራሕትን ዝነበሩ፡ ሎሚ ምሳና ኣብ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ኢዮም ዘለዉ። ናይ ቀደም ሚንስተር ምክልኻል ምሳና ኣብ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ኣሎ። ፍርቂ ካብ’ቶም ሰበ-ስልጣን መንግስቲ ኣብ ማእሰርቲ ኣለዉ። ልዕሊ 30 ዝዀኑ ቆንስላትን ኣምባሳደራትን ነበር ኣብ ውድባት ተቓውሞ ተጸንቢሮም ነቲ ስርዓት ግርም ገይሮም ስለዝፈልጥዎ የቃልዕዎ ኣለዉ። እቲ ኵነታት ንለውጢ ምቹእ ኢዩ ዘሎ። ምኽንያቱ ከኣ፡ እቲ ምፍሕፋሕ ኣብ ውሽጢ እናሰፍሐ ስለዝኸደን፤ ልዕሊ 70% ካብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንሓደጋ ናይ ጥሜት ተሳጢሑ ስለዘሎን ኢዩ። መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ግን፡ ነቶም ኣብ ሰብኣዊ መዳይ ዝተዋፈሩ ማሕበራት ክሰጕግን፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ገለ ካብኦም ከኣ፡ ስርሖም ደው ከብሉ ዝግድድ ቀረጽ ከኽፍልን ይርአ ኣሎ። ንሕና፡ እቲ ኵነታት ክመሓየሽ’ዩ ዝብል ትጽቢት ኣሎና። ስርዓት ኢሳያስ ከኣ ናብ ውድቀት ገጹ’ዩ ዘምርሕ ዘሎ ዝብል ግምት ኣሎና። ስርዓት ኤርትራ ካብ ዓለም ብሓፈሻ፡ ካብ ኣውሮጳን ኣመሪካን ድማ ብፍላይ ስለዝተነጸለን፤ እቲ ቀደም ካብኦም ዝረኽቦ ዝነበረ ደገፍ ስለዝኸሰረን፤ ንሕና፡ ንኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ኣብ ውሽጢ ይኹን ኣብ ኣህጕራዊ ማሕበረ ሰብ ከም ዲሞክራስያዊ መተካእታ ከነቕርቦ ኢና ንሰርሕ ዘሎና።

7. ኣመሪካውያን ግን፡ ጌና ከም መሓዝኦም ኢዮም ዝቆጽርዎ ዘለዉ?

መልሲ፡- ኣይመስለንን። ምስ ኣመሪካ ዘሎ ዝምድና ተበላሽዩ ኢዩ። ንኣብነት፡ ኢሳያስ፡ ብኣጋጣሚ ዝኽሪ መዓልቲ ናጽነት ኣብ ዝሃቦ መግለጺ፡ ንመንግስቲ ኣመሪካ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ መዓት ጸርፊ’ዩ ኣዝኒብሉ። ኣብኡ ተሳቲፉ ዝነበረ ኣምባሳደር ኣመሪካ ውን፡ ነዚ መጥቃዕቲ’ዚ ብምጽራር፡ ካብ’ቲ በዓል ክስሕብ ተገዲዱ። ኣመሪካውያን ረብሓታቶም ኢዩ ዘገድሶም። ነዚ ከኣ፡ ሕብእብእ ከይበሉ ኢዮም ረብሓና ልዕሊ ኵሉ ኢዩ እናበሉ ክገልጽዎ ዝስምዑ። እቲ ስርዓት ዋላ ዲክታቶር እንተዀነ፡ ኣብ ረብሓኦም ክሳዕ ዘይተዳፍኦም፡ ይሕልውዎን ይከላኸልሉን ኢዮም። ንረብሓኦም ዝጻረር እንተዀይኑ ድማ፡ ብኵሉ ዓቕሞም ኢዮም ዝቃለስዎ። ብርእይቶይ እቲ ዲሞክራሲ፡ ናጽነት ዝብልዎ መዐቀኒታት ንፖለቲካዊ ሃልኪ ጥራሕ ኢዮም ዝጥቀምሉ። ስለ’ዚ፡ ዝምድና ኣመሪካን ሱዳንን እንተደኣ ተመሓይሹ፡ ኢሳያስ ክጥቀመሉ ዝጸንሐ ወረቓቕቲ ኵሉ ክሓርር ኢዩ።

8. ኣመሪካ፡ ንኣብነት ከም’ቲ ኣብ ዒራቕ ዝገበረቶ፡ ኣብ ስልጣን ከተብጽሓኩም እንተደኣ መሪጻ፡ ክትቕበልዎ ዲኹም? ሕቶይ፡ ከምዚ ዝኣመሰለ ርእይቶ ብሸነኽ ሱዳን ኣሎ ድዩ ዝብል’ዩ?

መልሲ፡- ኣይኰነን። ንሕና፡ ናይ ደገ ሓይሊ ክድግፈናን፥ ኣብ ጐድኒ ርእይቶ ደው ክብልን፥ ድሌታትና ከኽብርን ጥራሕ ኢና ክንጠልብ ዘሎና እምበር፤ ለውጢ ከምጽኣልና ክንጽበ ኣይንኽእልን። ነቲ ስርዓት ናይ ምቕያር ወይ ምውዳቕ ሓላፍነት ንኤርትራውያን ጥራሕ ዝምልከት ጕዳይ ኢዩ። ንሕና መታን ንኤርትራ ከነመሓድር፡ ናይ ኣመሪካ ሰራዊት ናብ ኣስመራ ክኣቱ ኣለዎ ኣይንብልን። ንሕና፡ ብልዑላውነት ሃገርና ኣይንጻወትን ኢና። በቲ ክኸውን ይኽእልን ሕጋውን ኢዩ እንብሎ መንገዲ ግን፡ ናይ መንጐኝነት ተበግሶ ሓንጐፋይ ኢልና ንቕበሎ ኢና።

9. ነቲ ስርዓት ኣብ ምልጋስ ዝዀነ ይኹን ዓወት ከየመዝገብኩም ን15 ዓመታት ኣብ ምቅዋም ትርከቡ ኣለኹም። እዚ ዝዀነሉ ምኽንያት፡ እቲ ተቓውሞ ድኹም ስለዝዀነ ድዩስ ወይስ እቲ መንግስት ስለዝሓየለ ኢዩ?

መልሲ፡- እቲ ናይ ተቓውሞ ሓይሊ ድኹም ምዃኑ ክንሓብኣልኩም ኣይንደልን ኢና። ጠንቁ ከኣ፡ እቲ ተቓዋሚ ውድባት ተበታቲኑ ስለዝጸንሐ ኢዩ። ግን፡ ካብ 1999 ጀሚሩ፡ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ፡ ፍልልያቶም ብዘየገድስ፡ ንመጀመርያ ግዜ ዝተሓተ ነጥብታት ዝሓዘለ ቻርተር ተቐቢሎም ኣብ ትሕቲ ሓደ ናይ ሓባር ጽላል 13 ውድባት ክጥርነፉ ምብቅዖም፡ ካብ ምብትታን ናብ ምትእኽኻብ ዘሰጋገረና ሓድሽ ተመኵሮ ኢዩ። ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመት ሓድሽ ውድብ ናብ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ኣባል ክኸውን ተቐቢልና። እቲ ናይ ኪዳን ክሊ ኣብ መጻኢ እናሰፍሐን፤ ነቲ ስርዓት ንምልጋስ ዘኽእል ምቹእን ወድዓውን ኵነታት እናተማልአን ክኸይድ እንተደኣ ከይዱ፡ ንስርዓት ኢሳያስ ከነልግሶ ምዃና ነረጋግጸልኩም።

10. እቲ ኣብ መንጐ ኣስመራን ካርቱምን ዝተኻየደ ዘተ ናይ ጸጥታ ፋይል ሓዚሉ ምንባሩን፤ ኵነታት ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ኣብ ሱዳን ውን ኣካሉ ምንባሩን ይዝረብ። ስለ’ዚ፡ መንግስቲ ሱዳን ኣብ ልዕሊ ኤርትራዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኪዳን ስጕምቲ ወይ መጥቃዕቲ ዝወስድ’ዶ ይመስለኩም?

መልሲ፡- ሱዳን፡ ህላወ ናይ ተቓወምቲ ውድባት ኤርትራ ኣብ ሱዳን ንምድሳስ ስጕምቲ ክትወስድ’ያ ዝብል ግምት የብልናን። ከምኡ ዝብል ትጽቢት ብወገና የብልናን። እንተደኣ ኣጋጢሙ ግን፡ ንሕና ተመኵሮ ዘለዎም ተጋደልቲ ስለዝዀና፡ ምስ ዝዀነ ይኹን ሓድሽ ምዕባለ፡ እናተዓጻጸፍና ክንሰርሕ ንኽእል ኢና።